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81-457: A few weeks before the attempted coup, on July 11, a group of Falangists stormed the station of Unión Radio Valencia , announcing through their microphones an imminent " national syndicalist revolution". The person designated by Emilio Mola to lead the uprising in Valencia was Manuel González Carrasco, who arrived there from Madrid a day before the date indicated for the uprising. But when

162-625: A triumvirate formed by Ramiro Ledesma, Ruiz de Alda and José Antonio Primo de Rivera, while the secondary General Secretary position was given to Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta . It attracted a considerable number of prominent intellectuals, including Pedro Mourlane Michelena, Rafael Sánchez Mazas , Ernesto Giménez Caballero , Eugenio Montes, José María Alfaro, Agustín de Foxa, Luys Santa Marina, Samuel Ros, Jacinto Miquelarena and Dionisio Ridruejo . Martin Blinkhorn  [ es ] has recognised at least four different ideological strands within

243-465: A Republican prison, giving him martyr status among the Falangists. This conviction and sentence was possible because he had lost his parliamentary immunity after his party did not have enough votes during the last elections. Hedilla played an important role in seizing the town of Corunna, bringing in well-armed Falangists to help rebels secure the town and partaking in some of the worst repression of

324-650: A daily newspaper, El Pueblo . In Barcelona the Catalan Federation of the party published Hora Sindicalista (1936–1937) and then Mañana until January 1939. The youth wing of the party was the Syndicalist Youth ( Juventud Sindicalista ). The republican artillery captain Eduardo Medrano Rivas was party secretary. In the 1936 Spanish general election two party members, Pestaña and Benito Pabón , were elected to

405-590: A former mechanic, as many of the first generation leaders were dead or incarcerated by the Republicans. Among them was Primo de Rivera, who was a government prisoner. As a result, he was referred to among the leadership as el Ausente , ("the Absent One"). After being sentenced to death on 18 November 1936, José Antonio Primo de Rivera was executed on 20 November 1936 (a date since known as 20-N in Spain) in

486-580: A large funeral and was hailed as "the first victim of fascism in Spain." Rico's killers seemed to have acted on their own initiative without informing their superiors and an escalation of violence soon followed; José Antonio had to put his foot down to prevent some Falangists from assassinating Indalecio Prieto and from blowing up the Socialists' headquarters in Madrid. The party was initially organised as

567-583: A left-wing revolution but poverty alleviation and to end class struggle by using a new, vertical, syndicalist structure under the Falange. The party desired to attract people from all social classes, whether or not they had been members of left-wing organisations; the Falange viewed conflict between political parties as a consequence of liberalism and democracy. They hoped this unification would make Spain powerful again and allow Spain to launch further imperial acquisitions. However, historian Stanley Payne argues that

648-402: A more decisive role. In contact with the conspirators from the prison of Alicante, where he was imprisoned, he alternated communiqués begging for a prompt uprising, with conditions to join the conspiracy that the military did not meet. Finally, an announcement on 17 July called on his organizations to join the coup, accepting an auxiliary role. The command of the party rested upon Manuel Hedilla ,

729-615: A political party which, without interfering in their work, collaborated with the industrial unions, but with full autonomy. It differed from the PSOE - UGT pact in that it intended to avoid all subordination of union work to partisan political interests. Pestaña's libertarian possibilist tendency corresponded with the British Independent Labour Party , a representation of workers' interests in Parliament with

810-544: A raid, after he had refused to be handcuffed. At the funeral organized by the anarchist Torres-Benedito , Iron and CNT 13 columns, they passed near the heavily armed Civilian Government, awaiting a possible attack. When they reached the Plaza de Tetuán, the local headquarters of the Communist Party of Spain , they saw that the communists had organized an armed battalion in the plaza. A young communist protesting against

891-504: A revolutionary purpose; that is, the achievement of libertarian communism with an organization based on the cooperatives , trade unions and municipalities . Only a minority in the CNT , the possibilist tendency was isolated due to its moderate syndicalist stance, and depended on several cells in Madrid , Andalusia , Zaragoza , Catalonia , and Valencia . The Syndicalist Party published

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972-407: Is tinged with a much more sincere socialism. Expropriations have continued. Most hotels, restaurants, and movie theaters are now either worker-controlled or directly managed by them. The orange industry is controlled by the two unions. There are still workers armed in civilian clothes who watch the streets and make night guards. The nationalists occupied Castellón de la Plana on June 13, 1938. In

1053-555: The Primera Línea (" first line "), and it had a detailed training manual, probably prepared by the retired Lieutenant Colonel Luis Arrendondo, which carried instructions for guerilla warfare. While the Falange was not prepared for such a serious activity at the time, the document was well-publicised and convinced the Spanish Left that fascism was a serious threat in Spain. The Falange also had its own intelligence service,

1134-524: The Servicio de Información del Movimiento ("Information service of the movement"). The group had access to a variety of weapons, firearms and explosives. A few months before the war began, several artillery officers began providing military training to Falangist militants. The Falange's male membership was accompanied by a female auxiliary, the Sección Femenina ("female section"). Led by

1215-569: The Assault Guard in the city. It was made up of sections, each made up of 14 people from anti-fascist parties and unions. Every 4 sections was commanded by a military man. The GPA as a whole was commanded by the secretary of Public Order of the CEP, the socialist Gonzalo Navacerrada. In September the revolutionaries of the Iron Column assaulted the courts to destroy the judicial records,

1296-835: The CNT , two from the UGT , one from PSOE , one from the PCE , one from the POUM , one from the Syndicalist Party , one from the Republican Left , one from the Republican Union , one from Valencian Left and one from the Partit Valencianista d'Esquerra . During the first months of activity of this administration, 13% of cultivated land was seized and collectivized, forming 353 collectives, 264 directed by

1377-673: The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) trade union , formed the party in response to the growing influence of the Iberian Anarchist Federation over the CNT. He and other notable members of the CNT had previously signed a Manifest dels Trenta (" Manifesto of the Thirty"), which had got them expelled. The thesis of Ángel Pestaña was to contribute to the workers' movement by endowing it with

1458-750: The Final offensive of the Spanish Civil War , the nationalist faction occupied Valencia and Alicante on March 30, 1939. Subsequently, in Villena , the Socialized Economy Regulatory Council (CRES) was jointly founded by CEP remnants from the UGT and the CNT , in response to the economic and social conditions in place during the Spanish Civil War . It was created on April 22, 1937, in order to socialize

1539-459: The Iberian Anarchist Federation ). The Falange, through its leader and co-founder, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, collaborated in the different conspiracies and military attempts to overthrow the Republic. In the last months, with the conspiracy that would lead to the uprising that was already underway, and with the Falange virtually excluded, Primo de Rivera was actively trying to get it to play

1620-564: The Ministry of Economy . The commission was created by decree of the Government of Juan Negrín on September 6, 1937. Its objective was to control orange exports in order to obtain foreign currency with which to sustain the war effort. With the end of the war, the company was liquidated by the republican government in exile. On October 29, 1936, the GPA killed the anarchist Tiburcio Ariza in

1701-716: The Paternal headquarters, close to the city, they launched the Levantine militias against the barracks, which were forcibly taken between the end of July and the beginning of August. On August 5, the Delegate Board, in the face of the failure of its management, officially recognized the Popular Executive Committee, which went on to direct all rearguard policy in Valencia, and left the city. Around

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1782-608: The Traditionalist Communion in April 1937 to form the similarly named Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET y de las JONS). In 1934, Falange Española (FE) merged with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS) of Onésimo Redondo and Ramiro Ledesma , becoming the 'Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista'. During and after the 1933 election campaign, members of both

1863-628: The CEDA youth organisation, JAP, joining the Falange (though this was a small number compared to JAP's total membership of 225,000). The left-wing Popular Front government persecuted the Falange and imprisoned the Marqués de Estella on 6 July 1936. In turn, the Falange joined the conspiracy to overthrow the Second Spanish Republic , supporting the military revolt ultimately led by Francisco Franco and continuing to do so throughout

1944-579: The CEP's main developments was the Unified Levantine Council for Agricultural Export ( Spanish : Consejo Levantino Unificado de Exportación Agrícola , CLUEA), created on October 7, 1936, by representatives of the Valencian CNT and UGT . It was an organization dedicated to managing orange exports to other European countries. Posterists like Arturo Ballester and the monthly magazine La voz del CLUEA were available to spread

2025-455: The CEP. Point 14 of the resolutions of November 2 said: The political and trade union organizations that make up the Popular Executive Committee declare that, along with the other regions of Spain, they consider that the Valencian region should be granted the right to self-determination , founding its own bodies to govern freely, as well as in concert with the other Iberian regions. Yes,

2106-664: The CNT, 69 by the UGT, and 20 mixed CNT-UGT. Some of the CEP representatives at the time were Francisco Bosch Morata , delegate for Health and Social Assistance, José Antonio Uribes , head of the CEP Militia Delegation, Manuel Pérez Feliu , and José Benedito Lleó, the delegate for War. On September 16, the Popular Anti-fascist Guard ( Spanish : Guardia Popular Antifascista GPA) was created to take charge of public order. It would come to replace

2187-585: The City Council destroyed the property records and assaulted the Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes where they released the prisoners that were held there. Also in search of weapons, the GPA guards, who had rifles and machine guns, were being disarmed and becoming police officers. At the end of October 1936, the CEP presidency passed into the hands of Ricardo Zabaltza Elorga , who was also appointed Civil Governor of Valencia by Largo Caballero . One of

2268-755: The Council critical. From January 1939, it was waiting for better economic circumstances that didn't come, since at the end of the war, the Francoist administration was in charge of dissolving the CRES and integrating it into the Vertical Union . The delegations that constituted the Popular Executive Committee were established on September 17, 1936, as follows: Falange Espa%C3%B1ola de las JONS The Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista ( transl.  Spanish Falange of

2349-739: The Councils of the National Syndicalist Offensive ; FE de las JONS ) was a fascist political party founded in Spain in 1934 as merger of the Falange Española and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista . FE de las JONS, which became the main fascist group during the Second Spanish Republic, ceased to exist as such when, during the Civil War , General Francisco Franco merged it with

2430-585: The Falange and JONS had been killed; on 9 February 1934, Matías Montero was murdered while selling Falangist newspapers, becoming a martyr for the small movement. By June 1934, ten of them were dead, killed primarily by the Socialists but also with an anarchist contribution; the Socialists had no intention of allowing a fascist movement to develop in Spain, fearing such a movement would crush them as had happened in Germany and Italy. The Falangists initially fought back ineffectively (resulting in their being ridiculed by

2511-421: The Falange defended "legitimate" productive capitalism while denouncing what they regarded usurious, financial and speculative capitalism. This view was compatible with private property but not with the abuses perpetrate against the lower classes, whom the Falange believed should be saved from the misery in which they lived (referring specifically to landless peasants and day labourers). The party thus did not desire

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2592-462: The Falange had no desire to actually conquer territory (with de Rivera viewing the age of conquest as at an end) but instead their idea of an empire actually meant increasing Spanish cultural power , particularly in Latin America where Spain could act as a kind of Hispanic cultural leader. There was also the prospect of forming a type of federation with Portugal . The party had a militia,

2673-502: The Falange retaliated and on 13 March, several fascist gunman attempted to kill Luis Jiménez de Asúa , a well-known Socialist leader and law professor who was also one of the authors of the Republican Constitution. While he survived, a member of his police escort was fatally wounded. On 16 April, Falangists opened fire with submachineguns against workers in the centre of Madrid, killing three and wounding forty. During

2754-555: The Falange was shunned by other right -leaning parties in the Spanish general election of 1936 . Its candidates ran in 19 electoral districts (out of 60). There were some 83,000 people voting for Falangist candidates, but given 1 voter was entitled to a number of votes, the party obtained 0.11% of all votes cast. The only district where FE exceeded 1% of votes was Valladolid (1.63%); in three other districts (Caceres, Cadiz and La Coruna) it gained more than 0.5% of votes. Primo de Rivera (who

2835-417: The Falange, a somewhat ecumenical party, from the fusion until the expulsion of Ledesma: conservatism espoused by monarchists such as Francisco Moreno Herrera, marquis of Eliseda; the authoritarian Catholicism of Onésimo Redondo; the radical (and anti-clerical ) national syndicalism of Ramiro Ledesma; and the distinctive elitist regenerationism of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. In October 1934,

2916-576: The José Antonio's sister Pilar , this latter subsidiary organization claimed more than a half million members by the end of the civil war and provided nursing and support services for the Nationalist forces. During the spring of 1936, when police persecution of the Falange (including the Women's Section) was at its height, the organisation was described by Rivera as the only Falangist section that

2997-502: The Largo Caballero government. On November 2, 1936, shortly before the republican government's move from Madrid to Valencia, Zabaltza approved a series of resolutions that meant a change in the CEP's program of actions, formally subordinating itself to the central government of Largo Caballero, and suggesting the autonomist route as a future solution. Among the numerous resolutions was the formation of an Economic Council within

3078-490: The Levantine militias tried to take Teruel , without success. Finally, the CEP voluntarily dissolved itself on January 8, 1937, being relieved by the Valencia Provincial Council. In the words of Franz Borkenau , a contemporary observer of events: The arrival of the Government has caused reforms; There has been a strengthening of centralism [...] The days in which the Popular Executive Committee ruled

3159-421: The Nationalist military, it did manage to maintain its own identity; their uniforms and correspondence maintained their own Falangist insignia, while the traditional term ¡presente! was used to refer to fallen comrades in reports and logs. None of the vanquished parties in the war suffered such a toll of deaths among their leaders as did the Falange. 60% of the pre-war Falangist membership lost their lives in

3240-837: The Plaza Mayor that left two Falangists dead and order had to be restored by the Civil Guard. On 18 April, Hedilla arranged a meeting at the Falange council in which he was elected leader. After Francisco Franco seized power on 19 April 1937, he united under his command the Falange with the Carlist Comunión Tradicionalista with the Unification Decree , forming the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS ( FET y de las JONS ), whose official ideology

3321-512: The Popular Front government, sixty-seven Falangists were killed, compared to forty-one during the previous two years. In turn, the Falange killed sixty-four leftists, mostly socialists and communists. To survive against increased government persecution, the movement adopted a communist-style cell structure of three members per cell. One of the reasons the organisation survived was due to a large influx of new members, with 15,000 members of

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3402-441: The Republic will be federal, or it will be nothing. All centralism is a fascist concept, and therefore we must oppose the product of that mentality with our feeling of freedom, which is not "disintegrating", but will produce a true union, based on brotherhood and mutual respect. On November 6, the republican government of Largo Caballero moved to Valencia, as tensions between the two administrations are intensifying. In any case,

3483-417: The actual fascists. The massive influx of opportunists swamped the "old shirts" – nearly half of the pre-war veterans had died during the initial stages of the rebellion and several of its key leaders were either dead or captured, thus the swollen membership proved extremely awkward for the organisation. Other Nationalist later mocked the influx of former leftists in " Failange " (a portmanteau with FAI ,

3564-461: The anarchists' demonstration approached the head of the procession and fired into the crowd. This shot was quickly followed by many others, including machine gun fire, creating chaos in the plaza. The combat lasted half an hour and caused numerous injuries (56 injuries were registered, of which 49 were from the CNT). There were a total of about 30 dead. The CEP issued a proclamation on November 1 calling for

3645-581: The capital and possessions of the thirteen socialized industrial branches in Villena: Retail , Footwear , Oil , Salt , Wines and Alcohols , Flour , Agriculture , Plaster , Metallurgy , Textiles , Clothing , Furniture and Building Materials . The workshops were mainly in Villena, although there were also some in Yecla , Caudete , Sax and Biar , among others. It

3726-483: The cessation of the brawls. The immediate reaction was to bring the anarchist forces of Teruel down on Valencia. The communists had that battalion, the GPA, and about 300 young men in military practice. But the CNT committee avoided this situation by rebuking those responsible for the anarchist columns. The last thing the CNT leaders wanted at the time were problems with the PCE, just as the details were being finalized to join

3807-527: The citrus campaign contributed between half and two thirds the amount of the previous foreign exchange campaign. This foreign exchange would be about 200 million pesetas for about 700,000 tons of exported oranges. This decrease in income caused harsh attacks from its detractors, the government prevailed and decided to dissolve the CLUEA. It was replaced by the Citrus Export Commission , under

3888-413: The city with total independence from the central Government have passed. The Executive Committee has been officially dissolved, but it continues to exist and collaborate with the Government without there being more disagreements among them than usual. The November crisis was also crucial for Valencia. It brought the government and provoked an armed confrontation between communists and anarchists that ended in

3969-405: The city's economy, after a massive expropriation of industry and agriculture . Its main objectives were to increase production, collaborate in the acquisition of raw materials , distribute and sell manufactured products, and provide financial assistance to workers and families. Its founding act entered the Ministry of Economy and Labor of Alicante on April 27. The council was formed by all

4050-400: The companies that made up the CRES, before 1936, gave a monthly average of 535,000 pesetas, while at the end of 1937 the monthly production was 1,897,000 pesetas on average, with 194.7% more employees than the previous period. The only sectors that did not grow were flour, plaster, construction materials and retail. Due to the increase in the prices of basic necessities and the freezing of wages,

4131-857: The context was favorable for the approval of a Statute of Autonomy; the CNT presented their " Basis for the Statute of Autonomy of the Valencian Country " in December 1936, while the Valencian Left presented a " Preliminary Draft of the Statute of Autonomy of the Valencian Region " in February 1937 and the Republican Union proposed their own " Draft Statute of Autonomy for the Valencian Country ", in March 1937. In December 1936,

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4212-449: The creation of a consumer cooperative was proposed, which was established on August 26, 1937, although it did not open its doors on May 3, 1938. It distributed basic necessities at cost price to the workers of the CRES companies. In mid-1938 the Textile industry had to close due to a lack of cotton , so some employees were relocated to other industries and the others continued to earn 4 days a week, leading to an administrative crisis, since

4293-459: The defeat of the latter. But political views lean to the left quite a bit, compared not only with present-day Barcelona, but even with Valencia in August. At the time, the city had been governed by what amounted to almost a Soviet system, although under the guise of the revolutionary regime it had remained wholly petty-bourgeois and anti-revolutionary . Now with the headquarters of the entire socialist and communist organization within its walls, it

4374-401: The deployment of the Assault Guard , and the officers loyal to the republican government. The officers of the Spanish Military Union were confronted by the pro-republican officers of the UMRA, in a decisive action. Martínez Monje ordered the execution of the nationalist troops while awaiting news from Madrid or Barcelona . The news of the military's surrender in Barcelona at the end of the day

4455-466: The direction unified under a Jefe Nacional (National Chief) in the person of José Antonio and developed the political program known as "the 27 Points". In November 1934, the marquis of Eliseda, a financial backer of the party, left the Falange over disagreements with party proposals in regards to state-church relations, which he deemed "frankly heretical". His departure left the party without its main income and propaganda apparatus. Inner tensions over

4536-445: The draft of the political program continued. The power struggle between Ramiro Ledesma, who espoused a radical and anti-capitalist vision; and José Antonio Primo de Rivera , who held a more conservative and aristocratic one, eventually led to the expulsion of Ledesma in January 1935. The party also had difficulties in achieving in economic solvency. Although, in principle, it received support from large financiers and landowners, this

4617-434: The ensuing Spanish Civil War . With the eruption of the Civil War in July 1936, the Falange fought on the side of the Nationalist faction against the Second Spanish Republic , expanding rapidly from several thousand to several hundred thousand. Many people joined the Falange out of fear of persecution – former leftists and centrists rushed to join and tried to avert suspicion of their loyalties by being more fascist than

4698-411: The eyes of the Spanish right. Tension arose between the left and right wings of the Falange and the German ambassador encouraged Hedilla to resist the middle-class take over of the organisation. On the night of 16 April 1937, Hedilla's followers (though not Hedilla himself) attempted to seize the Falangist's headquarters in Salamanca from the rightists led by Sancho Dávila, resulting in a gun battle around

4779-400: The general community. As the year 1937 progressed, the task of obtaining raw materials and selling manufactured products became more difficult. However, the CRES made it possible to reactivate some productive sectors, open new markets, increase production and create numerous jobs, contrary to what happened in other localities where industries were still in private hands. The joint production of

4860-439: The moment came, González Carrasco, who had to change his address to avoid being detained by the police, had doubts and backed down. He proclaimed his loyalty to the government and pledged not to form the contingent of fighters he had promised to the military. In the early hours of the morning, an important labor mobilization was taking place in the city (the CNT and UGT had called for a General Strike as of July 19) accompanied by

4941-415: The nascent alternative workers power of the Unified Revolutionary Committee on the street, the government of José Giral sent Diego Martínez Barrio to Valencia at the head of a Delegate Board of the Levantine Government , whose main mission was to reestablish the authority of the republican government in the region. Two days later, on Wednesday July 22, 1936, the Unified Revolutionary Committee formed

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5022-471: The new government might implement the "national revolution" and ordered his militants to abstain from hostile acts against the government, it was not to last. On 6 March, four members of the Falangist trade union, CONS, who failed to support a leftist strike were killed. On 11 March, two law students, one Falangist and the other Carlist, were shot to death, allegedly by the Socialist Youth of Spain . Since there had been six Falange-affiliated deaths in five days,

5103-418: The organization's activities. Oranges were one of the main Valencian export products. In the context of the civil war, the orange market was a very important income from foreign exchange, for those who managed to control it. For this reason, the central government was not in favor of collectivization , since it meant leaving a large number of currencies in the hands of the unions, but rather favored following

5184-410: The other industiras were less and less willing to cover the deficit of this one. In the different discussions that took place on various topics, there were constant disputes between the UGT and CNT, which finally resulted in an agreement to divide the workers of the CRES into two groups according to their union. The war forced more and more managers to join the ranks of the employees, making the state of

5265-441: The parliament as affiliates of the Popular Front . The group backed the Republican faction during the Spanish Civil War . However, affected by the death of Ángel Pestaña, the party dissolved itself in December 1937, still numbering 30,000 members. In 1974 a new generation of syndicalists launched a party with the same name, based on the tradition of the old Syndicalist Party. In the 1977 Spanish general election , together with

5346-416: The rest of the political right) but eventually they formed their own death squads. After the tenth fascist, Juan Cuéllar, was killed and had his corpse abused in Madrid on 10 June 1934 during a confrontation with socialists, the Falangists attacked a group of Socialist Youth, killing a young woman, Juanita Rico, who was alleged to have abused the corpse, and seriously wounding two other socialists. Rico received

5427-399: The same time, some militias left Valencia to participate in the Battle of Mallorca . The CEP was initially chaired by Ernesto Arín , who until then had been head of Recruitment and Mobilization. After its recognition by the republican government on August 5, the Committee presidency was installed in the Palace of the Generalitat Valenciana . The CEP was made up of twelve delegates: two from

5508-414: The same time, they ceded the leadership of the military struggle to the CEP, which commissioned the training of militias. Meanwhile, the military officers Gonzalez Carrasco and Barba Hernández fled Valencia in secret. On the other hand, when on Thursday, July 23, the Delegate Board announced the dissolution of the CEP (constituted the previous day). The CEP refused and, in the face of the attempted uprising of

5589-455: The self-proclaimed Popular Executive Committee ( Spanish : Comité Ejecutivo Popular , CEP), made up of the two main trade unions the UGT and CNT, as well as the Popular Front parties, which seized power without formally dismissing the republican authorities. The socialists and anarchists, for their part, maintained the Unified Revolutionary Committee in parallel to deal with the supply shortages that were beginning to be suffered in Valencia. At

5670-399: The unified party. Franco had sought to control the Falange after a clash between Hedilla and his main critics within the group, the legitimistas of Agustín Aznar and Sancho Dávila y Fernández de Celis , that threatened to derail the Nationalist war effort. The new uniform consisted of the Carlist red beret and the Falangist blue shirt. While the Falange was increasingly integrated into

5751-401: The usual path of an export controlled by individual companies, coordinated only by international markets. Thus, the Republican parties, the Government, and the Communist Party defended the maintenance of freedom of export under certain government control. In contrast, the UGT and CNT were in favor of collectivizing all exports, in order to avoid the flight of foreign currency. CLUEA's management

5832-453: The war there. Yet he later became one of the most outspoken critics of nationalist killings, arguing it alienated the workers from their cause – on Christmas Eve 1936 he told the Falange not to persecute workers who had "voted for the left out of hunger or despair. We all know that in many towns there were – and are – right-wingers who are worse than the reds." These statements, however, made Hedilla and other left-wing Falangists highly suspect in

5913-464: The war. However, most of the property of all other parties and trade unions were assigned to the party. In 1938, all trade unions were unified under Falangist command. Syndicalist Party The Syndicalist Party ( Spanish : Partido Sindicalista ; Catalan : Partit Sindicalista ) was a left-wing political party in Spain , formed by Ángel Pestaña in 1932. Pestaña, a leading member of

5994-539: Was always surrounded by controversy and confrontation, since although the UGT militants agreed with the collectivization, the leaders of the PSOE did not. Among the leaders opposed to collectivization was Largo Caballero himself. In that year, an overproduction crisis occurred in the European market. The European market was saturated with Palestinian oranges, Spanish production had extra competition. Overall, it appeared that

6075-744: Was decisive for the nationalist impulse to be deactivated. The next day, Monday, July 20, the UGT and CNT mobilized and created the Confederal militias of the Levante to control the nerve centers of the city and the surroundings of the barracks in anticipation of a possible escalation; the Strike Committees were unified under the leadership of Francisco Gómez (CNT) and Guillén (UGT) in the Unified Revolutionary Committee (or Unified Strike Committee ). To counter

6156-530: Was heavily influenced by Catholicism but the party desired a separation between church and state; the Falange had no intention of forcing Catholicism upon millions of Spanish non-believers. The Falangist were in some ways anti-conservative, as while most of the Spanish conservative right refused any reform and defended private property at all levels, the Falange favoured some nationalisations (such as banking and public services), as well as economic and social reform;

6237-557: Was not enough until in 1935, it was subsidized monthly with 50,000 lire by the Italian Fascist regime. The subsidy was reduced by half and withdrawn after the poor electoral results of 1936. The party was republican , modernist , championed the lower classes and opposed both oligarchy and communism , but it never garnered the kind of popular following demonstrated by fascist movements elsewhere in Europe. For these reasons,

6318-536: Was running in 13 districts) obtained a total of 24,017 votes; Manuel López Sendón received 18,704 votes and Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta got 10,438 votes. Having likely never exceeded ten thousand members in the early 1930s, the Falange lost supporters in the run-up to the Spanish Civil War, leaving a core of young, dedicated activists, many in the organization's student organization, the Sindicato Español Universitario . The Falangist program

6399-436: Was still largely intact and it proved crucial in the reorganisation of the Falange into a true underground movement. The Women's Section raised money for Falangist prisoners and their families and distributed clandestine propaganda, as well as carrying messages from imprisoned leaders to outside militants. Following the 1936 elections, more violence erupted between the Falange and its enemies. While Rivera initially thought that

6480-459: Was structured by a president , a secretary and a treasurer together with the thirteen directors from each of the thirteen sections. These directors were in turn the chairmen of the Board of Directors of each of the industries, making it easy to check the total daily balance of cash and dedicate it to the industry that needed it the most, or what greatest benefits it could obtain for the good of

6561-491: Was the Falangists' 27 puntos —reduced after the unification to 26. While the Carlists came off worse in this forced union, Franco had correctly deduced that they would be more obedient and less politically minded, making it less of a concern. Despite this, the party was in fact a wide-ranging nationalist coalition, closely controlled by Franco. Parts of the original Falange (including Hedilla) and many Carlists did not join

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