Plural Consensus ( Spanish : Concertación Plural ) was a center-left Kirchnerist electoral alliance in Argentina acting as a political bloc in the Argentine Senate and elsewhere.
152-590: The coalition is largely made up of members of the Radical Civic Union , a group of smaller parties and dissident Socialist Party members who support the governing Peronists led by President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner . Former President Néstor Kirchner proposed the coalition as a new centre-left force in Argentine politics. [1] The smaller parties originally included the Broad Front ,
304-448: A militarist approach and the sanction of the law 12,978 on Catholic teaching in public schools, while its progressive measures include the expansion of workers' rights, the adoption of women's suffrage , free tuition for public universities, and a failed attempt to sanction the divorce law after the breakdown of relations with the church. Peronism granted the working class a genuine role in government and enacted reforms that eroded
456-930: A "perverse logic" considering this "the real wall between Chile and Argentina" and "not the Andes". Defenders of Peronism also describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata. Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its socially progressive initiatives. Ronaldo Munck noted that "many observers even saw Perón himself as some kind of nationalist, socialist leader, if not as Argentina's Lenin." While cautioning against idealistic interpretations of Peronism, Munck argues that ultimately Perón did not differ from Tendencia Revolucionaria in terms of economic ideology, but rather mass mobilisation, writing: "The purely anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic political programme of
608-524: A Peronist." Perón responded in kind, writing that "Marxism is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it." Perón also argued in his speech from 12 November 1972: "We must not be frightened by the word socialism". Perón stated that "if he had been Chinese he would be a Maoist", and on his trip to Communist Romania he concluded that "the regime in that country is similar, in many respects, to Justicialism". Peronism
760-498: A central bank, nationalized foreign commerce and implement a system of free, universal education. Socially, Peronism was authoritarian, yet it also implemented free suffrage and promoted causes such as feminism, indigenous rights and emancipation of the working class. Peter Ranis wrote that "paradoxically, Perón democratized Argentina in the sense of bringing the working class more fully into the political process, though his administrations often placed cultural and political restrictions on
912-807: A close ally of the Cuban Revolution , Salvador Allende of Chile, and the People's Republic of China . It is also noted that the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara , despite being born in an anti-Peronist family, considered Peronism "a kind of indigenous Latin American socialism with which the Cuban Revolution could side". Perón thought is considered a genuine socialist ideology by some Marxist writers such as Samir Amin , José María Aricó , Dieter Boris , and Donald C. Hodges . Summarizing
1064-473: A determinate social formation within its own ideology". In his political science book Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics , Seymour Martin Lipset argued that the most distinguishable aspect of Peronism is that it is oriented towards trade unions, workers and class struggle, writing that "Peronism, much like Marxist parties, has been oriented toward the poorer classes, primarily urban workers but also
1216-405: A different special task, that would contribute to 'invididual happiness'. Establishing his populist rhetoric, Perón also defined his ideology as "a new philosophy of life, simple, practical, popular, profoundly Christian, and profoundly humanistic", adding that Peronism was to be class-based, as justicialism "centers its ideology and preoccupation on . . . the primacy in our country of a single class,
1368-572: A fundamental change toward genuine democracy in Argentina. In 1997, the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity (FREPASO), itself an alliance of many smaller parties. This strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections . During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government (with the advice of
1520-482: A key part of the movement today. Also, the state intervened in labor-capital conflicts in favour of the former, with the Ministry of Labour and Social Security being responsible for directly negotiating and enforcing agreements. Perón became Argentina's labour secretary after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946 . He introduced social programs that benefited
1672-472: A law of free suffrage. Two years later, in 1912, they approved the law of universal secret, and obligatory voting for men, known as The Sáenz Peña Law . On the other hand, it was also the first Argentinian political party to present a legal project for women to vote in 1919, that eventually did not pass given the conservative majority in Congress. Gabino Ezeiza was a great Payador, and he musically described
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#17327731709431824-503: A leader (originally occupied by Perón) to lead the masses. Consequently, it adopts a third position in the context of the Cold War and in the economic dichotomy between capitalism and Marxism, expressed in the phrase: "we are neither Yankees nor Marxists". Peronism has taken both conservative and progressive measures. Among its conservative elements are anti-communist sentiments that were later abandoned, strong patriotism ,
1976-463: A left-leaning movement; to this end, Lipset wrote that "If Peronism is considered a variant of fascism, then it is a fascism of the left because it is based on the social strata who would otherwise turn to socialism or Communism as an outlet for their frustrations." Most scholars rejected this view - Felipe Pigna wrote that no researcher who has deeply studied Perón should consider him a fascist. Goran Petrovic Lotina and Théo Aiolfi wrote that "Peronism
2128-507: A long detour to center-right neoliberalism under Carlos Menem". Despite the extreme ideological divergences amongst anti-Peronists as well as Peronists, Peronism as a general ideology is often considered left-wing populist . Historian Daniel James argues that "Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary". Because of this,
2280-609: A member of the Socialist International . Founded in 1891 by radical liberals , the UCR is the second oldest political party active in Argentina, after the Liberal Party of Corrientes . The party's main support has long come from the middle class . For many years, the UCR was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule . The party has stood for liberal democracy , secularism , free elections and civilian control of
2432-487: A military coup on December 6, 1930. The secret vote opened a new chapter in Argentinian History. The government of the UCR indicated the arrival of the government and the direction of the state organization of members of the medial sects that until this moment were indeed excluded from these functions. The first presidency of Hipólito Yrigoyen promoted a series of politics of a new type, which in conjunction
2584-503: A movement, Peronism is ultimately a left-wing coalition that appeals to "national popular" tradition, writing that "this hemisphere of the political spectrum would support the statement that Peronism is a forerunner of social democracy." According to political scientist Torcuato di Tella, Peronism occupies the same place as left-wing political parties in Europe. Comparing Argentinian politics to Italian one, he writes: This comparison between
2736-487: A nation could win a war only if it would "develop true . . . solidarity [and] create a strong sense of discipline and personal responsibility in the people." The speech was commonly cited by domestic and international opponents of Perón, who accused him of fascist sympathies. The junta suffered a massive decline in prestige in August 1944, as the liberation of Paris sparked massive pro-Allied demonstrations in Argentina, in which
2888-613: A new world" and urged Argentinian workers to "to defend their rights for themselves if these rights were not to be taken away by their enemies." Perón also embraced the hitherto derogatory connotation of his supporters as "shirtless" ( descamisado ), which became a metaphor for poor and destitute worker that Peronism would lead towards a "national liberation". Using the term justicalismo to describe his ideology, Perón propagated it as socialismo nacional cristiano - "Christian national socialism", an unclear term that he used to discuss diverse government systems that in his belief corresponded to
3040-494: A nonsocialist context, is striking. He spoke of the "proletarians," the "exploitation of man by his fellow man," the "dehumanization of capital." At the same time, Peron expressed fears of foreign ideological penetration‘s and continually reiterated the need to avoid class conflict between capital and labor. His critique of Marxism was centered on what he called humanist and Christian attitudes — which, if applied, would render class struggle irrelevant. Peron’s corporatist scheme already
3192-438: A political system of interventions to the provinces and a style of personal and direct management, that would be severely critical for his opposition both inside and outside of the UCR, calling it "personalism". 34°36′42″S 58°23′29″W / 34.61167°S 58.39139°W / -34.61167; -58.39139 Peronism Peronism , also known as justicialism , is an Argentine ideology and movement based on
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#17327731709433344-568: A prominent figure in the opposition, despite being still the Vice President. The UCR joined the Civic and Social Agreement to run for the 2009 elections . The loose coalition obtained 29% of the national votes and came a close second to the Front for Victory and allies national outcomes. The Party's reorganization, as well as the 2009 elections, resulted in a gain of party representatives in
3496-490: A system of incentives and rewards that would direct economic activities towards local markets while severely limiting production for international markets ( protectionism ). Perón's policies included extensive worker rights legislation and redistribution of wealth; Peronism rejected individualism in favor of communitarianism and sought a system that would reject both capitalism and liberalism in favor of an economic system that would be oriented around "social equity, rather than
3648-499: A variant of left-wing nationalism or a "revolutionary, anti-imperialist, nationalist movement". Jorge Castañeda Gutman describes Peronism as a national populist movement that "undoubtedly belongs on the left of the political spectrum." Peronism was a broad movement that encompassed several ideologies and concepts. Argentinian historian Cristian Buchrucker described it as a mixture of nationalist, populist and Christian socialist elements, while Humberto Cucchetti stated that Peronism
3800-434: A variant of Nasserism , which defines it as an ideology based on "middle-class military men who would utilize the armed forces to forge a socialist transformation of society." Mariano Mestman wrote that "Peronism was proposing a type of Socialism at times called ‘national’, different from that postulated by the classical Marxist left but no less revolutionary". There are also alternative evaluations of Peronism that go beyond
3952-416: A voluntary way, called the "predictable vote", which broke the electoral system. The struggle for democracy in Argentina, not related initially as much with universal suffrage but with the secret vote, in a voting booth , which made independent the wish of the voter from all external pressures. The Sáenz Peña Law of 1912 established the secret and obligatory vote, but due to the fact that it did not recognize
4104-485: Is based on the social strata who would otherwise turn to socialism or Communism as an outlet for their frustrations." Lipset concluded that Peronism should be seen as a "form of "left" extremism". In context of political dichotomy of Argentina, historian Daniel James argues that "Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary". Similarly, James P. Brennan claims that as
4256-403: Is described as "a brand of populism that sought to deny elites’ and capitalism’s power, empower working class constituents, and help the politically and economically oppressed." Nationalism is an essential part of Peronism, pushing for a sense of national pride among Argentines. However, it promotes an inclusive form of nationalism that embraces all ethnicities and races as integral parts of
4408-501: Is generally classified as a centrist , or liberal . Due to its heterogeneity, the UCR has also been described as a big tent or catch-all party and social-liberal party, but it is also occasionally classified as a social-democratic . Radicals call themselves the party of civil liberties , democracy and the Constitution . In their history, they resisted authoritarian regimes , won universal suffrage and starred in
4560-419: Is not a communist or anarchist left. It is a Justicialist left that wants to achieve a community where each Argentine can flourish." Perón argued that his main goal was to implement and declare "economic independence" of Argentina, which he sought to achieve by nationalization of Argentinian resources, state control of the economy, curtailing multinational and foreign companies, redistribution of wealth, asserting
4712-476: Is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it."; he excused his initially anti-communist rhetoric as opposition to the Argentine "communist orthodoxy" that opposed him, which he considered to be "on the side of the oligarchy or Braden's arm". Peronism gained popularity in Argentina after the failure of its government to listen and recognize the needs of its middle class. As president of Argentina, Hipólito Yrigoyen did not listen to
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4864-419: Is one form of socialism. Therefore a fair socialism, like the one Justicialism wants, and that is why it is called Justicialism, is that in which a community develops in agreement with [the community’s] intrinsic conditions. However, despite Perón's declarations, the movement itself was split into left-wing and right-wing factions, vying for supremacy within the movement. While all Peronists claimed to adhere to
5016-485: Is partially due to Eva's involvement, until her death by cancer in 1952. Due to economic problems and political repression, the military overthrew Perón and banned the Justicialist Party in 1955; it was not until 1973 that open elections were held again in which Perón was re-elected president by 62%. Perón died in the following year, opening the way for his widow and vice president Isabel to succeed
5168-408: Is that Perón meant "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions." Perón consistently identified with socialist figures - he praised Che Guevara, and spoke sympathically of Mao Zedong as “this little Chinese man who steals my ideas.” He described Peronism as national form of socialism that
5320-525: Is the Justicialist Party , whose policies have significantly varied over time and across government administrations, but have generally been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism ", or populism. Alan Knight argues that Peronism is similar to Bolivarian Revolution and the Mexican Revolution in terms of consequences and ideology, noting that while Peronism was "socially progressive, but politically ambiguous", it brought
5472-595: The 1943 Argentine coup d'état . He took over the Labor Department in October 1943 and started cementing his reputation as the ally of the Argentinian trade unions, describing himself as a "labor unionist" ( sindicalista ) in an interview with a Chilean journalist. In November 1943, the national labour department was replaced by a new department for labour and welfare, which gave Perón enormous influence over
5624-614: The 1989 general election , Eduardo Angeloz promised a "red pencil" to cut public deficit spending and mentioned the possible privatization of state companies, which would later be carried out by his rival, the Peronist Carlos Menem . Since de la Rúa's demise in 2001, the UCR has become more and more fragmented politically and geographically. Besides the interventions in Tierra del Fuego and Mendoza, in September 2006,
5776-467: The 2023 elections, the party supported the candidacy of Patricia Bullrich . The party is not currently in any coalition since Juntos por el Cambio's dissolution in 2023. The party was a breakaway from the Civic Union , which was led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem . The term 'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage , which was considered radical at
5928-624: The Argentine Great Depression . After coming to power in the 2003 Argentine general election , Néstor Kirchner restructured the Justicialist platform and returned to classical left-wing populism of Perón, reverting the movement's detour to free-market capitalism under Carlos Menem. Kirchner served for only one term, while his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner , served two (having been elected in 2007 and re-elected in 2011 ). From 2019 until 2023, Cristina Kirchner
6080-646: The Argentine Senate . In recent years, the UCR has been riven by an internal dispute between those who oppose and those who support the left-wing policies of Peronist President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and her husband and predecessor Néstor Kirchner . However, most Radicales K support for the Kirchners ended by mid 2008, when Vice President Julio Cobos opposed the Government bill on agricultural export taxes . He later rejoined UCR, becoming
6232-877: The CGT , Peronist businessmen in the General Economic Confederation, landowners by the Argentine Agrarian Federation, women by the Female Peronist Party , Jews in the Argentine Israelite Organization, students in the Secondary Student Union. Peron was able to coordinate and centralize the working class, which he mobilized to act on his behest. Trade unions have been incorporated into Peronism's structure and remain
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6384-606: The International Monetary Fund ), President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections , the party lost and became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies , winning 71 of 257 seats. It campaigned in an alliance with
6536-619: The National Congress . In 2015, the UCR formed a coalition with Republican Proposal , a center-right political party, to form Cambiemos . Cambiemos won the presidential election , which ended its 12 years of opposition. The alliance with Republican Proposal was criticized by the Socialist International and the Young Radicals were suspended from the International Union of Socialist Youth . The UCR
6688-761: The Victory Party , the Intransigent Party and the Christian Democratic Party . The leading former Radical supporting the Kirchners was Julio Cobos , who was elected vice president. Having been expelled from the Radicals, he set up his own party, which eventually settled on the name ConFe (Federal Consensus). Formally, the bloc's two senators are Senator Dora Sánchez of Corrientes Province and Pablo Verani of Río Negro Province , both former Radicals. Other leading members of
6840-416: The left–right political spectrum , as radicalism is an ethic before being an ideology . However, according to Alfonsín, Radicals felt very comfortable as "observers" of all the tendencies that make up European social democracy. Moreover, in 1995 Raúl Alfonsín brought radicalism into the world organization of center-left parties, the Socialist International . Another former leader, Angel Rozas , defined
6992-410: The working class , supported labor unions and called for additional involvement of the state in the economy. In addition, he supported industrialists in an effort to facilitate harmony between labor and capital. Perón was very popular due to his leadership, and gained even more admiration through his wife Eva , who championed for the rights of migrant workers, the poor, and women , whose suffrage
7144-495: The "imperialist slavery" of Argentina. Here, Perón argued that his version of socialism was not Marxist but Christian, and that it was a "national variant of socialism", and that it differed from capitalism on the basis of being a "just social order". While seemingly favoring the left-wing Peronism, Perón's "national socialism" was interpreted in very diverse ways, including being conflated with Nazism by fringe groups of far-right Peronists. The commonly accepted interpretation however,
7296-477: The "power of the working class", and abolishing capitalism that the Peronists denounced as elitist and "antinational". By 1973, the slogan adopted by Perón became "dependency or liberation". In July 1971, Perón also claimed that his ideology of justicialism is socialist: For us Justicialist Government is that which serves the people . . . our revolutionary process articulates individual and collective [needs], it
7448-484: The 1940s and 1950s was heavily based on left-wing and socialist rhetoric, with Perón largely relying on his socialist supporters and trade unions movements; Raanan Rein notes that the ideology and policies of Peronism "were based largely on concepts that had been forged by the Argentine left wing in various debates since the beginning of the century and that had been expounded by people such as Justo, Dickmann, Ugarte, and Palacios." Similarly, Daniel James observed that in
7600-464: The 2007 elections. The Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) has gradually shifted toward center-right positions since the 2005 legislative elections, due to internal divisions and the exclusion of the Alfonsinismo from its ranks. This political process has led the UCR to adopt a more conservative orientation in its focus and ideological alignment. According to the president of the party, now within
7752-607: The 30 members of the Senate 4 were radicals. Nonetheless, Yrigoyen kept up an anti-accord force and a slightly inflammatory conversation and negotiation, not only with the traditional conservative parties that were controlling the senate, but also with the new popular parties that had gained leadership from the secret ballot: the Socialist Party and the Democratic Progressive party. Also, Yrigoyen took forward
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#17327731709437904-524: The 340,000 votes of all the other parties and in the Electoral College their way was put to a vote. Due to this, a long cycle of 14 consecutive years of radical government ensued. The Radical UCR won the presidential elections on three successive occasions: Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922), Marcelo T. de Alvear (1922-1928), and Hipólito Yrigoyen once again (1928-1930). The series of radical governments would be violently interrupted by means of
8056-464: The Argentine oligarchy, humiliated it - he nationalized its theatre and other symbols of the wealthy class - but the oligarchy’s political and economic power remained intact, and at the right moment it brought Peron down, with the complicity and aid of the United States. Perón’s greatness lay in the fact that he appealed to that rich country’s reserves and resources and did all he could to improve
8208-399: The Argentinian working class significant material benefits as well as political empowerment and social inclusion. Ultimately, Knight recommends the term "revolutionary populism" for Peronism. Perón himself described his ideology and his movement as left-wing, writing in September 1973: "Peronism is a left-wing movement. But the left that we advocate is a Justicialist left above all things; it
8360-449: The Cuban Revolution could side". Likewise, left-wing Catholic priests embraced Peronism, calling it an effective realization of liberation theology, and arguing that Peronism and Catholicism were united in their goals of "love for the poor, for those persecuted for defending justice and for fighting against injustice". However, after Perón's return to power in 1973, the right-wing Peronist faction started growing in strength, mainly thanks to
8512-544: The Fascist parallel. It was more intimately grounded in the national history and ethos than was any European fascism. The structure of the Peronist state after the constitutional amendments of 1949 remained that of the old Argentine democratic order. Peronism was not nazism. Peronism's main thrust reflected no adherence to Nazi principles. There were occasional minor aggressions against synagogues (and Protestant churches) and
8664-670: The Italian and the Argentine party structures assumes a certain equivalence between the Radical party and the Christian Democratic cum Socialist alliance. On the other side of the main conflict line, the Peronists would occupy a position akin to that of the Communists. From Perón's "Peronist Philosophy": Peronism as an ideology had many factions and manifestations, often completely contradictory for each other; however,
8816-659: The Latin American populist tradition." Perón was an important inspiration of Chavismo , the ideology of Hugo Chávez , who called himself "a true Peronist". Eric Hershberg, director of the Center of Latin American Studies, wrote: "For a number of years I’ve been struck by Chavismo as being the closest thing to Peronism that Latin America has seen in decades." Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro , also stressed
8968-477: The Montoneros ("national socialism") was not incompatible with Peron's economic project of "national reconstruction", but their power of mass mobilisation was." Writing on Peronism, Ernesto Laclau maintained that "a socialist populism is not the most backward form of working class ideology but the most advanced - the moment when the working class has succeeded in condensing the ensemble of democratic ideology in
9120-531: The National Committee appointed Jujuy Province Senator Gerardo Morales as its new president. Morales stated that he wanted to follow the mandate of the Rosario convention (that is, looking for a possible alliance with Roberto Lavagna). Morales went on to become Lavagna's running mate in the presidential election of October 2007 , coming third. Although this campaign represented the mainstream of
9272-683: The National Committee of the UCR, then led by Ángel Rozas , intervened (suspended of authorities of) the Provincial Committee of the UCR in Tierra del Fuego Province after Radical governor Jorge Colazo spoke in favour of Kirchner's reelection. The intervention was rejected by the Provincial Committee. A party convention held in Rosario in August 2006 officially rejected the possibility of alliances with Kirchner's faction of Justicialism and granted former Party President Roberto Iglesias
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#17327731709439424-648: The People's Radical Civil Union) came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi . The growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned (as in 1958). The outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union (the other party's faction) Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of
9576-561: The Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with the trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his." After being overthrown and exiled from Argentina in 1955, Perón shifted his rhetoric further leftwards and promoted Cuban Revolution as well as Liberation theology , which gave rise to the far-left wing of Peronism, Tendencia Revolucionaria . Born in an anti-Peronist Argentinian family, Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara visited Perón and praised Peronism as "indigenous Latin American socialism with which
9728-464: The UCR for a new revolution. Two years after he led the armed uprising known as the Revolution of 1905 , which although it failed to put sufficient pressure on the official party, it was able to cause a party breakdown. The more progressive leaders of the autonomists, such as Carlos Pellegrini and Roque Sáenz Peña , began to support that it was necessary to make institutional changes to hold back
9880-493: The UCR start to alliance with center-right anti-peronists. In the 2005 legislative elections , the UCR was reduced to 35 deputies and 13 senators, but remains the second force in Argentine politics. Ahead of the 2007 election, the remaining Radicals divided, between those who wanted to find an internal candidate and those who wanted to back a candidate from another movement, mostly former economy minister Roberto Lavagna , supported by former president Raúl Alfonsín. In May 2005,
10032-566: The UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989, its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín , was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla , Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone . Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party (PJ). The election of Mr. Alfonsin, who campaigned hard for clean government and civil rights, represented
10184-583: The United States' Great Depression . From 1930 to 1958, the UCR was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists (in the Intransigent Radical Civic Union founded in 1956, splitting from what then called itself
10336-404: The United States, as the American government sought to discredit Perón on the basis of his anti-Americanism, suspected communist sympathies, and neutrality during WW2. Similarly, anti-Peronists on the left such as anti-nationalist socialists also described Peronism as fascist. Some scholars, such as Lipset, tried to combine this view together with the conclusions that Peronism was a worker-based and
10488-413: The basis for building a corporatist state that joined the interests of labor with those of at least a large section of the national bourgeoisie to promote a nationalist agenda". Perón was yet unknown to the general public in the 1930s, but he already had high respect in the Argentinian army; he served as a military attaché between 1938 and 1940, and quickly gained a prestigious political position following
10640-697: The caudillo traditions of the Argentine Creole civilization." Other definitions include that of Donald C. Hodges, who saw Peronism as "a Christian and humanist version of socialism" and a "peculiar brand of socialism". Peter Ranis notes that describing Peronism is made difficult by vague language of Perón as well as his constant pragmatic shifts that he took throughout his life - Perón often modified his rhetoric and promoted different movements in order to maintain his big-tent movement that apart from consisting of trade unions, included both left-wing and right-wing supporters. Nevertheless, Ranis wrote that Peronism
10792-470: The class of those who work." In his writings, Perón consistently emphasized that the roots of his ideology are based on Catholic doctrine as well as socialism; around the end of his second term, Perón argued: "We believe that there are only two philosophies in the world that can embrace and give direction to the major ideological orientations: one is Christian philosophy, which is already 2,000 years old and has continued to sustain itself through 20 centuries; and
10944-481: The collapse of the parties from the prior political system to the Sáenz Peña Law . The UCR auto-dispersed due to an initiative of Honorio Pueyrredón and its members massively joined radicalism. The National Autonomist Party dissolved. On 2 April 1916, for the first time in Argentinian history, they carried out the presidential elections by means of a secret ballot . The UCR obtained 370,000 votes, against
11096-514: The concertation, often termed 'Radicales K', are governors Miguel Saiz , Gerardo Zamora and Arturo Colombi and deputies such as Hugo Nelson Prieto . In the Chamber of Deputies , a similar bloc of five deputies named 'Of the Concertation' ( de la Concertación ) exists, led by Prieto. The 'Plural Consensus' tag has been widely used in the media to describe the non-Justicialist elements of
11248-598: The conflict of left-wing Peronists such as the Montoneros with powerful trade unions. Between mid-1970s and 1990s, Peronism was then dominated by right-wing factions such as far-right Orthodox Peronism and neo-liberal Menemism ; Peronism would shift back to the left afterwards and came to be dominated by left-wing Kirchnerism , credited for being a Peronist current that "returned the Peronist Justice Party to its traditional center-left stance following
11400-545: The country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; he refused to cooperate with the Congress and UCR in government fell short of the democratic expectations it had raised when in opposition. The UCR remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930, and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from
11552-548: The current dominant faction of Peronism, left-wing Kirchnerism, is seen as a "back-to-roots" movement that reclaimed the ideology of "classical Peronism". Nevertheless, the Justicialist Party is not considered left-wing as it also contains 'dissident Peronists' opposed to left-wing Kirchnerism and following the marginalized right-leaning strands of Peronism instead. The core tenets of Peronism include defense of nationalism, anti-imperialism and laborism, together with political sovereignty, economic independence and social justice being
11704-437: The dominance of the oligarchy". Many in power did not work to change the way things were. However, Juan Perón, at that time a military officer, used his experiences in Europe and political power to create a new political atmosphere that he felt would better the lives of citizens in Argentina. Unlike Yrigoyen, Perón "recognized that the industrial working class was not necessarily an impediment, and could be mobilized to serve as
11856-402: The economic plans carried out by Stalin. Socialist Yugoslavia was also said to have expressed interest and fascination with Peronism in the 1950s. The Economist has called Peronism "an alliance between trade unions and the " caudillos " of the backward north". Chilean senator Ignacio Walker has criticized Peronism as having "Fascistoid", "authoritarian" and "corporative" traits and
12008-485: The economy. Perón presented himself as a Catholic labourist committed to the ideals of "harmony" and "distributive justice". First breakthrough in his political career came with the settlement with Unión Ferroviaria in December 1943, which was the largest railroad union in Argentina at the time. Perón "offered the union almost everything it had been seeking, until now in vain, during the past fifteen years", which gave him
12160-698: The end of his term as vice-president, and ConFe is lining up agreements with them and the Civic Coalition for the June elections. This article about an Argentine political party is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Radical Civic Union The Radical Civic Union ( Spanish : Unión Cívica Radical , UCR ) is a centrist and liberal political party in Argentina . It has been ideologically heterogeneous, ranging from conservatism to social democracy , but since 1995 it has been
12312-425: The end, far from being antagonistic, can be united with a common goal of liberation of peoples and men". In the September 1972 meeting of left-wing Peronist groups, Peronism was described as "the national expression of socialism, insofar as it represents, expresses and develops in action the aspirations of the popular masses and the Argentine working class". Peronism was regarded as a form of autochthonous socialism that
12464-493: The famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions. The subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime , many members of
12616-453: The features of a nationalist liberation movement". In his autobiography titled My Life: A Spoken Autobiography , Fidel Castro praised Perón as a revolutionary anti-imperialist who carried out social reforms. Castro also stated: There have been many heroic revolutionary feats on the part of military men in the twentieth century. Juan Domingo Perón, in Argentina, was also from a military background. (...) Perón made some mistakes: he offended
12768-535: The government's tough line in the conflict with the agricultural sector . Some elements of the coalition began to peel away, notably Cobos, who used his casting vote against the moves in the agricultural sector in the Senate and has since been shunned by the Kirchners . The Radical leadership began preparations to reach out to the Radicales K . [2] In April 2009, the Radicals agreed to allow Cobos to rejoin at
12920-402: The growth of social and political conflict. When Roque Sáenz Peña was elected president in 1910, the UCR already was not in the position to carry out new assembled uprisings, but the general belief that existed was that a revolution was imminent. Saénz Peña y Yrigoyen, who had been maintaining a personal friendship from childhood, they then had a private meeting in which they agreed to sanction
13072-529: The historical and political debates on the ideological nature of Peronism, Czech political scientists Pavlína Springerová and Jiří Chalupa stressed the dominance of the view that Peronism was some kind of socialism, and wrote: "Historians and political scientists over time defined Peronism as Christian socialism, national socialism, demagogic dictatorship, plebiscitary presidential system, state socialism, non-Marxist collectivism, worker democracy or national capitalism". Some historians also consider Peronism to be
13224-528: The ideas of Perón, their interpretation of Perón's intentions varied greatly. Left-wing Peronists believed that the goal of Perón was to establish "the socialist nation", while right-wing Peronists argued that Perón's vision is more similar to corporatism rather than socialism, and that Perón's vision is one of establishing an "organized community". Perón himself used very vague terms such as socialismo nacional ("national socialism"), which he described as being based on Christian social values and aiming to overthrow
13376-613: The ideas, doctrine and legacy of Juan Perón (1895–1974). It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics. Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run. Peronism is defined through its three flags, which are: "economic independence" (an economy that does not depend on other countries, by developing its national industry ), " social justice " (the fight against socioeconomic inequalities) and " political sovereignty " (the non-interference of foreign powers in domestic affairs). Peronism as an ideology
13528-551: The ideological bond between Peronism and Chavismo. In July 2024, Maduro stated: "I am a Peronist and an Evista." Perón was also regarded positively by Mao Zedong . When visiting pro-Perón Maoist militias in Argentina, Mao reportedly stated: "If I were a young Argentinian, I would be a Peronist." This quote was promoted by the Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina , who advertized their movement by stating: "If Mao had been Argentine, he would have been
13680-533: The inappropriate definitions and parallels. Thus: Peronism was not fascism. Some of Peronism's adherents had a fascist outlook and mentality. Peron himself admired Mussolini and the idea of the corporate state. Some of the trappings of Peronism recalled the ambiance of the Black Shirts. But all this was relatively superficial. No fascist society was ever erected on a mass base of laboring and dispossessed hordes. In its own descriptions of identity, Peronism rejected
13832-604: The individual pursuit of wealth." This was combined with Peronist redefinition of citizenship, as Perón attracted and empowered groups that were previously excluded socially and economically - urban poor, immigrant communities and unionised workers. Deriving from 1930s anti-imperialist nationalism, Peronist doctrine had three leading principles, as formulated by Perón: economic independence, political sovereignty, and social justice. Perón considered Argentina "an economic colony of Great Britain" and sought to liberate Argentina from both British and American influence; Perón's foreign policy
13984-656: The interests of the organic state, and there was no official anti-Semitism. Peronism was not a dictatorship. Admittedly, definition is a factor here, but as the American embassy stated in April 1948, "... Peron is far from being a dictator in the sense of having absolute authority." This viewpoint was explicitly adopted in the Department of State's Secret Policy Statement of March 21, 1950. The cabinet debated measures at length. The army concerned itself with foreign policy. Peron often had to bargain for support, to trim his sails on
14136-552: The law of Sunday rest, and he intervened as a neutral mediator in the conflicts between labor unions and big companies. However, during his time in government, several large worker massacres such as the Tragic Week , La Forestral massacre , and the Firing Squad Executions of Patagonia occurred, with thousands of workers killed. The historian Halperín Donghi explains that the radical governments resolved
14288-422: The living conditions of the workers. That social class, which was always grateful and loyal to him, made Perón an idol, to the end of his life. When Perón died in 1974, Castro declared three days of mourning and Cuban officials termed Peron's death "a blow to all Latin America". Castro noted the affinity and similarties between his ideology and Peronism, and cited Che Guevara letter's in which Che stated that "Peron
14440-424: The main difference between left-wing and right-wing populisms is the economic focus of the former and social focus of the latter. Political scientist Pierre Ostiguy argues that it is "structural and intuitive" to classify Peronism as left-leaning, especially given its electoral base and dependency on trade unions. He added that "Perón could absolutely not, as the ordinary working class well understood, be considered on
14592-448: The margins of the nation – as was the case for Arabs and Jews." Peronism is thus credited with creating the image of multicultural Argentina through his policies that would redistribute the wealth while also promoting the concept of Argentina as a society of "multiple collective ethnic identities". Peron described his ideology as "intrinsically Argentine" and a reflection of the Argentinian people. Perón's preferred wording for his ideology
14744-498: The military . Especially during the 1970s and 1980s, it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights . The UCR had different fractures, conformations, incarnations and factions, through which the party ruled the country seven times with the presidencies of Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922 and 1928-1930), Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear (1922-1928), Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), Arturo Illia (1963-1966), Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) and Fernando de la Rúa (1999-2001). After 2001,
14896-400: The ministry of war that Farrell commanded before becoming president. In March 1944, railroad workers organized a demonstration in support of Perón, and in June, he was able to take control over metalworkers' union Unión Obrera Metalúrgica . Perón's speech from 11 June introduced the concept of "nation in arms", where he called war an inevitable consequence of human condition. According to Perón,
15048-414: The more impoverished rural population." He characterized Peronism as an ideology best described as "anticapitalist populist nationalism which appeals to the lower strata". Lipset also took note of a view that Peronism is a fascist movement, but argued that Peronism can only be seen as a left-wing equivalent of fascism: "If Peronism is considered a variant of fascism, then it is a fascism of the left because it
15200-609: The most common labels for Peronism such as socialism, fascism, or arguments that Peronism transcends the left-right divide. Some scholars evaluated Peronism as a social democratic ideology instead, or even paternalistic conservatism , with a mixture of militant labourism and traditional conservatism . However, whether Peronism was conservative is heavily disputed, as the proponents of Peronism see it as socially progressive . Peronism has also been described as socially progressive by some political analysts, as well as by historians such as Luis Alberto Romero . The main Peronist party
15352-406: The nation, distinguishing it from racial or chauvinistic ethno-nationalism that prioritizes a single ethnic group. This is because of the ethnically heterogeneous background of Argentina, which is a result of the mixing between indigenous peoples , Criollos , the various immigrant groups and their descendants. Likewise, Peronism is generally considered populist , since it needs the figure of
15504-566: The national UCR leadership, substantial elements backed other candidates, notably the Radicales K . Cobos was elected vice president as the running mate of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner through the Plural Consensus alliance, and several Radicals were elected to Congress as part of the Kirchners' Front for Victory faction. The official UCR ranks in Congress were reduced to 30 in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and 10 in
15656-409: The old liberal conceptions of the state. Alternatively, Peronism was also denounced as fascism by some scholars - Carlos Fayt believed that Peronism was "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism ". Such conclusion was also reached by Paul M. Hayes, who argued that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism that was distinctively Latin American". This belief was particularly popular in
15808-441: The opposition that severely compromised that democracy." Writing on Perón and his ideology, Charles D. Ameringer argued that "The rise to power of Juan Perón in 1943 was not the end of the socialist impulse in Argentina; it was the culmination" and added that "much of the social legislation either introduced or implemented by Perón . . . originated with the Socialist Party." Raanan Rein similarly wrote that Peronism as an ideology
15960-446: The organization we can find a centrist sector and another linked to right-wing values. The UCR is headed by a National Committee; its president is the de facto leader of the party. A national convention brings together representatives of the provincial parties and affiliated organisations such as Franja Morada and Radical Youth, and is itself represented on the National Committee. In 1903, Hipólito Yrigoyen began to reorganize
16112-567: The other is Marxist philosophy, which is the philosophy of communism... There is no other." According to Brennan, as a populist mixture, Peronism synthesized multiple ideologies and schools of thought, which he listed as nationalism, anti-imperialism, socialism, authoritarianism, federalism and militarism. Robert Crassweller offers a different definition, arguing that "Peronism may be defined roughly as an authoritarian populist movement, strongly colored by Catholic social thought, by nationalism, by organic principles of Mediterranean corporatism, and by
16264-446: The party has been particularly fragmented. As the Justicialist Party led by Nestor and Cristina Kirchner moved to the left, the UCR aligned itself with anti-Peronist centre-right parties. From 2015 to 2023, the UCR was a member of the centre-right Cambiemos / Juntos por el Cambio coalition, along with Republican Proposal and Civic Coalition ARI , and supported Mauricio Macri in the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. For
16416-498: The party is virtually "broken due to the stance of the leaders who support the alliance [with Kirchner]". Roberto Iglesias eventually resigned the presidency of the party in November 2006 due to differences with Lavagna, having reached the conclusion that an alliance with him would be a mistake, and joined Stolbizer's camp, maintaining that the party should look for its own candidate (the so-called Radicales R ). On 1 December 2006
16568-482: The party leaders had admitted that they reviewing requests of intervention against the provincial committees of Río Negro and Santiago del Estero . In Santa Fe , the UCR had teamed up with the Socialist Party to support Socialist candidate for governor Hermes Binner , in exchange for the vice-governorship, taken by the former governor Aldo Tessio 's daughter, the fiscal federal Griselda Tessio , winning
16720-829: The permission to negotiate with other political forces. This led to several months of talks with Lavagna. The continued dissidence of the Radicales K prompted the intervention of the UCR Provincial Committee of Mendoza on 1 November 2006, due to the public support of President Kirchner by Mendoza's governor, the Radical Julio Cobos . The measure was short-lived, as the Mendoza Province Electoral Justice overturned it three days later. Deputy and UCR National Committee Secretary General Margarita Stolbizer stated that
16872-521: The police reaction was not always rigorous, but Peronism as such had no anti-Semitic or other racial bias. As Ambassador Messersmith reported at length in May 1947, "There is not as much social discrimination against Jews here as there is right in New York or in most places at home." In this, Peron did not scramble for the moral high ground in the spirit of a crusader; that was not his style. Practical awareness
17024-399: The political and economic mainstream, and whose lifelong electoral base was principally organized labor, can hardly be deemed rightist." Beyond Perón, the Peronist movement itself has many factions - Kirchnerism and revolutionary Peronism on the left, and Federal Peronism and Orthodox Peronism on the right. The Justicialist Party created by Perón is generally placed on the left of
17176-410: The political spectrum. Peronism is described as socialist by many political scientists, classified as a variant of nationalist socialism, paternalistic socialism, non-Marxist socialism, and Catholic socialism . Political scientists supporting this view note that Perón created a planned and heavily regulated economy, with "a massive public sector of nationalized industries and social services" that
17328-464: The political thought and policies of Juan Perón are considered to be the core of Peronism. As an ideology, Peronism had authoritarian and populist components, which was a blend of several ideologies and currents and a traditional Argentinian stye of leadership ( caudillismo ), which featured a charismatic leader leading a broad front. Christopher Wylde defines Peronism as "a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that
17480-533: The political-ideological identity of the party as humanist and center-left. He and his faction gave a progressive look to the party. On the conservative side of the party sat Ricardo Balbín . The party was particularly divided since the 1960s and again since the end of the 1990s. After Balbín's death, Fernando de la Rúa who gave a neoliberal and conservative tint to the party and who famously said that "we are radicals, not socialists", kept UCR conservatives active until he became president in 1999. During
17632-464: The popular culture in favor of Yrigoyen. The UCR put an end to their electoral political abstention, and went to the parliamentary elections, without forming electoral alliances. For the first time in Argentina, they voted in a voting booth to guarantee a secret ballot . The predictable vote, the secret vote, and democracy. Before 1912, Argentina was using an electoral system in which votes were expressed verbally, or by ticket, in public place, and in
17784-502: The power of the Argentine oligarchy. Peronist reforms also included a constitutional right to housing, ending the oppression of indigenous peoples, adding mandatory trade union representation to regional legislature, freezing retail prices and subsidizing foodstuffs to the workers. Perón followed what he called a "national form of socialism", which represented the interests of different sectors of Argentine society, and grouped them into multiple organizations: workers were represented by
17936-453: The presidency. During the Peronists' second period in office from 1973 to 1976, various social provisions were improved. Perón's death left an intense power vacuum and the military promptly overthrew Isabel in 1976 . Since the return to democracy in 1983 , Peronist candidates have won several general elections. The candidate for Peronism, Carlos Menem , was elected in 1989 and served for two consecutive terms until 1999. Menem abandoned
18088-592: The problem of regional equality in Argentina, but as a consequence of this, they brought social inequalities to a higher level at the same time. This is because radicalism was lacking solutions for the people on the bottom of the social hierarchy, through systematically neglecting class differences. Radicalism, during the first government of Yrigoyen, was in the minority in Congress: In the Deputy Chamber 45 members were radicals and 70 opposers, while amongst
18240-400: The protesters called for the resignation of the junta for its Nazi sympathies. Perón would sharply reconfigure his views and speeches in late 1944, as the nationalist junta was facing intense pressure to reform and hold elections. He declared that his ultimate goal is to introduce "true democracy" in Argentina, and began searching for allies amongst the middle and upper classes. However, as he
18392-695: The reputation of the "Argentina's Number One Worker" amongst railroad unionists. In January 1944, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez fell from power following the revelation of secret negotiations between Nazi Germany and Argentinian junta. The junta was forced to break diplomatic relations with the Axis and purge its cabinet of pro-Axis members. Ramírez was replaced by moderate Edelmiro Julián Farrell , which prompted protests from nationalist circles - in Tucumán , flags on government buildings flew at half-mast in sign of protest. Perón further expanded his power, as he took over
18544-804: The right of women to vote or to be voters, it is incorrect to say that Argentina had a truly universal voting system until 1947. The UCR first won the elections to governor in Santa Fe (Manuel Menchaca), from which followed a trail of triumphs in the rest of the country. Among the radical leaders at this time were: José Camilo Crotto (CF), Leopoldo Melo (CF), Vicente Gallo (CF), Fernando Saguier (CF), Marcelo T. de Alvear (CF), José L. Cantilo (CF), Delfor del Valle (PBA), Horacio Oyhanarte (PBA), Rogelio Araya (SF), Rodolfo Lehmann (SF), Enrique Mosca (SF), Elpidio González (CBA), Pelagio Luna (LR), Miguel Laurencena (ER), José Néstor Lencinas (Mza), Federico Cantoni (SJ). The electoral triumphs of radicalism caused
18696-419: The right. He thus shared a position with the leftist political parties, in the opposite camp." However, some described Peronism as a Latin American form of fascism instead. Criticizing identifying Peronism as right-wing or fascism, Robert D. Crassweller remarked: "a movement whose founder spends his life combating the economic and social elite, whose great contribution was to bring the anonymous masses into
18848-454: The ruling coalition. By the time plans were advanced in formalising the coalition, disenchantment and defections had set in. In 2008, Kirchner began to form plans to take the leadership of the Justicialist Party and reach accommodation with those Justicialists who have opposed him, particularly the backers of Roberto Lavagna . This 'normalization' of Peronist politics left some Kirchner supporters outside Justicialist ranks uneasy, in addition to
19000-439: The smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for president in 2003, Leopoldo Moreau , gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronists and more seriously, by two former radicals, Ricardo López Murphy of Recrear and Elisa Carrió of ARI , who have leached members, support and profile from the UCR. Since Nestor Kirchner 's led peronist PJ switched into political left,
19152-427: The struggle for the causes of the popular majorities. Raúl Alfonsín thought that radicalism advocated social democracy . He wanted to form a "broad popular, democratic, reformist and national movement"; to end privilege, authoritarianism and demagoguery and consolidate an authentic social democracy in the country. He also explained that Radicals do not define themselves, as European political parties usually do, on
19304-488: The time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors. The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park ( Revolución del Parque ). Eventually a compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew,
19456-471: The timing of initiatives, and to balance interests that could not be overridden. Peronism as well as anti-Peronism have both spanned the entire ideological spectrum, including far-right fascism, far-left Marxism, center-left social democracy, and center-right neoliberalism. This led to both left-wing as well as right-wing Peronist regimes in Argentina, with competing wings of Peronism fighting not only anti-Peronist forces, but also each other. Early Peronism of
19608-432: The trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his." Peronist economic policy had three objectives which consisted of expanding public spending and giving the state the dominating role in production and distribution ( economic nationalism ), egalitarian distribution of national income (therefore Peronism is considered to represent syndicalism and/or non-Marxist socialism), and implementing
19760-493: The traditional Peronist policies, focusing on the adoption of free-market policies, the privatization of state enterprises, and pro-US foreign policy. In 1999, Fernando De La Rúa would win the presidential elections allied to a large sector of Peronists who denounced Menem . After the De La Rúa administration collapsed in 2001, four interim Peronist leaders took over between 2001 and 2003 due to political turmoil of
19912-408: The votes (approximately 19% of the votes were blank ballots returned by Peronists owing to their party being banned). Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" -
20064-470: The will of the people while also considering the unique circumstances and culture of each nation. According to Richard Gillespie, this expression meant to convey "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions." In 1967, Perón defended his notion of 'national socialism' by arguing that "nationalism need not be at odds with socialism", given that "both, in
20216-535: The workers' pleas for better wages and better working conditions after World War I. Yrigoyen was notorious for failing to oppose Argentina's oligarchy. According to Teresa Meade in A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present , Yrigoyen failed "to establish a middle-class-based political system from 1916 to 1930 – mainly because his Radical Civic Union had neither the will nor the means to effectively oppose
20368-500: The young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen . In 1893 and 1905 , the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free, fair and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912, the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president. As well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle
20520-416: Was justicialism , which he used to promote social justice as the core of his ideology. He wrote: "like the people, justicialism is national, social, and Christian." Peronist communitarian philosophy envisioned a society that would be an organized community, where each individual was to fulfill a social function "in the service of all", and also have access to an extensive complex of faculties, each designed for
20672-505: Was vice president and Alberto Fernández president. As of 2023 , Peronists have held the presidency in Argentina for 39 total years. Peronism is generally considered to be a variant of left-wing populism or a broadly left-wing ideology; however, political scientists such as Anthony W. Pereira also note that left-wing populists such as Perón "may share important elements with their right-wing counterparts." Carlos de la Torre and Oscar Mazzoleni also stressed this ambiguity, arguing that
20824-526: Was "redistributive in nature" and prioritized workers' benefits and the empowerment of trade unions. Perón's close relationship with a socialist leader Juan José Arévalo and his extensive support for the Bolivian National Revolution are also considered arguments in favor of this view. Additionally, despite promoting a concept of a "Third Way" between the 'imperialisms' of the United States and Soviet Union, Perón supported and became
20976-567: Was a "worker-type populism" that one can roughly describe as "corporate democratic socialism", despite the authoritarian tendencies of Perón himself. Despite opportunistically declaring his opposition to Communism and even socialism, Perón nevertheless described his justicialism as "national socialism" (socialismo nacional) and "Christian national socialism" (socialismo national cristiano); to Ranis, Perón "fused an indigenous socialism with Argentine nationalism through Peronism", and used Marxist rhetoric: Peron’s usage of Marxist terminology, but within
21128-418: Was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military." The legitimacy of Peronism derived from trade unions who gave Perón their support, and his ideology was a reflection of demands and expectations of the Argentinian labor movement. According to historian Daniel James , the reliance of Peronism on trade unions was so strong, that in the Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with
21280-543: Was always at the forefront of his politics, and in the 1940s there were half a million Jews in Argentina, along with an equal number of Arabs. His private preference was for the Arabs, partly because he believed they assimilated more completely into Argentine society and partly, one may assume, because of the Islamic elements in his beloved Hispanic heritage; but the potential conflict between these ethnic rivals had to be muted in
21432-507: Was an accumulation of many political concepts such as "nationalist socialism, trade unionist tradition, nationalisation of the middle strata, charismatic leadership, revolutionary prophetism, Third Worldism, justicialist ethics, Christian utopia, popular mobilisation and outlines of democratisation". While the movement was in the state of constant struggle between competing ideological movements between it, it never abandoned trade unions and its "revolutionary rhetoric that claimed to assume directly
21584-461: Was formulated as "third position" and was a forerunner of thirdworldism - Perón argued that instead of looking to either Western capitalism or Soviet communism, Argentina should carve out its own path and seek alliances with like-minded nations that would reject imperialism and foreign influence in favour of absolute sovereignty. As a requirement for this sovereignty, Peronism featured extensive redistributive and nationalist policies - Perón established
21736-499: Was heavily criticized at the time. During the 1970s, Peronist government (1973–1976), the UCR was the second-most supported party, but this didn't actually grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party (now called Justicialist Party ). The UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín , saluted Peron's coffin (Perón had died on July 1, 1974, during his third mandate as president) with
21888-569: Was nationalist populism, shaped by the Catholic social teaching as well as "socialist currents of varying nuances". Rein attributed the socialist component of Peronism to policies that would give new sociocultural and political dimensions to Argentinian identity and nationalism. According to Rein, "Peronism rehabilitated popular culture and gave folklore a place in Argentine culture, attempted to rewrite national history and included various ethnic minorities who, up until that point, had been relegated to
22040-512: Was never a form of fascism during Juan Perón's first presidencies (1946-55). Nor was Peronism fascistic in its subsequent incarnations over the past seventy-five years from the 1970s revolutionary leftist Montonero guerilla organization to the neoliberal centre-right presidency of Carlos Menem." Daniel James wrote that Perón "took his ideas principally from social catholic, communitarian ideologues rather than from any pre-1955 fascistic theory." Robert Crassweller explains: One should first clear away
22192-420: Was one of class collaboration under the auspices and direction of the state. What Peron offered was not the individual consciousness of the unreconstructed liberal, nor the class consciousness that he identified with foreign and alien alternatives, but a unified, communitarian, social consciousness that would assuage class warfare, avoid the contamination of international socialism, and organize society to transcend
22344-488: Was rejected by the Radical circles, Perón committed himself to developing his popularity amongst the working class. Historian David Rock remarked that "Perón again found himself forced back on the support of the unions alone and at this point openly embraced democratic socialism." He praised the victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 United Kingdom general election , portraying it as proof of "humanity marching toward
22496-474: Was signaling a transformative nationalist tendency, between that which emphasized the creation of the state-owned oil business YPF, the new rural laws, the fortification of the public railways, the Reform University, and a strongly autonomous political exterior for the greatest improvements. On the matter of labor, he propelled several laws for workers such as the law of the 8 hour work day and
22648-516: Was supported by Joseph Stalin due to its hostility towards the United States, and after Perón's removal from power, the Sovet government had "a certain nostalgia for the Peronist government". American historian Garrett John Roberts, who described Peronism as an "ultranationalist socialist labor movement" and Perón's policies as "socialist and nationalist", states that there was some affinity between Perón and Stalin, as Perón modeled his Five Year Plan on
22800-480: Was the most advanced embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina". Loris Zanatta argues that both Castro and Perón represented "a case of ‘nationalist socialism’". According to Zanatto, Castro was "a full member of the same family" as Perón, and that "from Hugo Chávez to the Sandinista revolution, from liberation theology to radical indigenism, the chromosomes of Peronist national socialism recur in
22952-451: Was to end the capitalist exploitation of Argentina and fight imperialism. Perón expressed deep affinity to Maoism, writing: "The refusal of Mao to side with colonialism lays the foundation of the ‘Third World’ in which the different socialist democracies can get along perfectly. There is no reason for nationalism and socialism to quarrel. Both can unite with the common objective of liberating the pueblos." Perón additionally stated that "Marxism
23104-406: Was to grant "political and economic emancipation" to the workers of Argentina. However, whether Peronism constituted a genuine socialist movement of non-Marxist nature is unclear. John J. Johnson and Kalman H. Silvert linked Peronism to Argentinian reactionary nationalism and concluded that it is a fascist movement, whereas Juan José Hernández Arregui and Jorge Abelardo Ramos considered Peronism
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