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45-670: Turini ( Aymara turi tower, -ni a suffix , "the one with a tower", also spelled Torrini ) is a mountain in the Bolivian Andes which reaches a height of approximately 5,120 m (16,800 ft). It is located in the La Paz Department , Loayza Province , Cairoma Municipality , and in the Inquisivi Province , Quime Municipality . Turini lies northeast of Taruja Umaña and the lake named Warus Quta This La Paz Department geography article

90-550: A case of homophony wherein Kawki maintained the semantic distinction between two different person markers, but lost the form distinction between the two). Additionally, regressive vowel harmony is present throughout the verb person system in Jaqaru, but does not appear in Kawki. Phonologically, Kawki is differentiated from Jaqaru in its vowel system. Jaqaru contains six vowels- three of regular length and three short, whereas Kawki has only

135-535: A common protolanguage . Aymara is an agglutinating and, to a certain extent, a polysynthetic language . It has a subject–object–verb word order. It is based on a three-valued logic system. Aymara is normally written using the Latin alphabet. The ethnonym "Aymara" may be ultimately derived from the name of some group occupying the southern part of what is now the Quechua speaking area of Apurímac . Regardless,

180-559: A degree of mutual intelligibility, speakers of one were unable to understand tape recordings of the other, and in a few cases of marriage between Kawki and Jaqaru speakers, the home language was Spanish. (However, the home language of most Jaqaru and Kawki is now Spanish.) Historical analysis shows that the two languages were out of contact for a period. The name Tupe is used for Jaqaru and Kawki together. There exist clear differences between Jaqaru and Kawki in regard to morphology. Jaqaru has ten verb persons, whereas Kawki has only nine (due to

225-531: A few special ones. Three particles are used for negation: imperative negative, principle negative, and subordinate negative. Four greetings are used in Jaqaru for addressing people, which mark the sex of the speaker and the addressee and do not carry any suffixes of any kind. Four special particles take no suffixes and comprise utterances in and of themselves: Jira (“Let's go”), Jalli (“I don't know, could be.”), Wala (“Go on, get going, bye.”), and Chiku (“I'm going, I'm off, bye.”) (Hardman, 2000: 115). Jaqaru morphology

270-655: A fixed word order is either preferred or obligatory. Two main types of phrases occur in Jaqaru: noun phrases and verb phrases. Noun Phrases. There are three types of noun phrases: modifier phrases, number phrases, and possessive phrases. Modifier phrases consist of a head noun preceded by a one or more modifier noun, which is marked by vowel dropping. Numbers in Jaqaru are on a base ten scale. Number phrases are carefully ordered to build larger numbers using multipliers of 10, 100, and 1000. The number phrase order is: number x multiplier + number. Neutral, unmarked possessive phrases follow

315-511: A morphological word. Classes II, III, and IV occur most frequently and are considered the core of syntactic inflection. It is theoretically possible for all sentence suffixes to occur in a sentence, but no case has ever been found. At most three or four sentence suffixes have been found in a text, as of the year 2000. However, because many morphological suffixes can also be stacked, syntactic words frequently carry up to seven or eight suffixes (Hardman, 2000). Unlike sentence word order, within phrases

360-637: A sentence suffix are judged by native speakers to be ungrammatical and for some, impossible to say (Hardman, 2000). Sentence suffixes occur after all other morphological processes and can occur on any morphological words or syntactic phrases. The nature of sentence suffixes allows for freedom of word order and creativity in sentence construction, useful to storytellers (Hardman, 2000). There are seven classes of sentence suffixes in Jaqaru, listed below: Order classes of sentence suffixes (Hardman, 2000: 92) These suffixes can occur in combination on words and most Class I suffixes rarely appear without another suffix on

405-546: A specific order: possessor + -na + possessed + one of the four personal possessive suffixes (Hardman, 2000). Verb Phrases. Verb phrases in Jaqaru are rare and never consist of more than two parts. There are four fixed order types: the careful phrase, the facultative phrase, the effort phrase, and the OV phrase (vowel-drop modifier + verb root). Verbs can additionally be modified by a quantifier modifier (Hardman, 2000). There are three types of particles in Jaqaru: negatives, greetings, and

450-543: A tapped /ɾ/ , and an alveolar/palatal contrast for nasals and laterals, as well as two semivowels ( /w/ and /j/ ). Orthographic representation is the same as the IPA where not shown. Stress is usually on the second-to-last syllable, but long vowels may shift it. Although the final vowel of a word is elided except at the end of a phrase, the stress remains unchanged. The vast majority of roots are disyllabic and, with few exceptions, suffixes are monosyllabic . Roots conform to

495-503: Is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Aymara language Some linguists have claimed that Aymara is related to its more widely spoken neighbor, Quechua . That claim, however, is disputed. Although there are indeed similarities, like the nearly identical phonologies, the majority position among linguists today is that the similarities are better explained as areal features arising from prolonged cohabitation , rather than natural genealogical changes that would stem from

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540-563: Is a language of the Aymaran family . It is also known as Jaqi and Aru . It is spoken in the districts of Tupe and Catahuasi in Yauyos Province , Lima Region , Peru . Most of the 2000 ethnic Jaqaru have migrated to Lima. Kawki , a divergent dialect, is spoken in the nearby communities of Cachuy, Canchán, Caipán and Chavín by a few elderly individuals (9 surviving in early 2005). Hardman has noted that while Jaqaru and Kawki share

585-700: Is actually the one of two extant members of a wider language family, the other surviving representative being Jaqaru . The family was established by the research of Lucy Briggs (a fluent speaker) and Martha Hardman de Bautista of the Program in Linguistics at the University of Florida. Jaqaru [ jaqi aru = human language] and Kawki communities are in the district of Tupe, Yauyos Valley, in the Dept. of Lima, in central Peru. Terminology for this wider language family

630-411: Is based on a four-person paradigm which marks the relationship of the second person to the utterance. Therefore, the first person excludes the addressee. Second person excludes the speaker. Third person excludes both the speaker and the addressee, and is used for unmarked or null instances. Fourth person marks the inclusion of both the speaker and the addressee (Hardman, 2000). Verbal morphology in Jaqaru

675-482: Is extremely complex, in both inflections and derivations. A great deal of the grammatical work of the language is done within the verbal morphological system. The standard paradigm is of ten persons, which define the relationships between the four basic persons (Hardman, 2000, 56): In Jaqaru (and all other Jaqi languages), the tie between object and subject is one of union; they are not separable morphologically, and conjugation requires simultaneous specification of both as

720-906: Is extremely complex. Most of the grammatical information in Jaqaru is carried in the morphology. The basic person system consists of four persons. In the verb system, these four persons are expanded into a conjugation of ten grammatical person markers, each marking both subject and object in a single suffix. Also characteristic of the Jaqaru morphology (and all of the Jaqi languages) is the use of extensive vowel dropping for grammatical marking. The rules constraining vowel dropping are extensive, and can be conditioned by such things as morpheme identity, morpheme sequence, syntactic requirements, some phonological requirements and suffix requirements. (Hardman, 2000). The primary form classes are root and suffix. Root classes are verb, noun, and particle; suffix classes are nominal, verbal, thematic, and sentence. Evidentiality marking

765-602: Is found in the eastern half of the Tacna and Moquegua departments in southern Peru and in the northeastern tip of Chile. There are roughly two million Bolivian speakers, half a million Peruvian speakers, and perhaps a few thousand speakers in Chile. At the time of the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century, Aymara was the dominant language over a much larger area than today, including most of highland Peru south of Cusco . Over

810-616: Is frequent in Aymara. Vowel deletion typically occurs due to one of three factors: (i) phonotactic, (ii) syntactic, and (iii) morphophonemic. Aymara has phonemic stops at the labial , alveolar , palatal , velar and uvular points of articulation. Stops show no distinction of voice (e.g. there is no phonemic contrast between [p] and [b] ), but each stop occurs in three laryngeal settings: plain or voiceless unaspirated (aka tenuis ), glottalized , and aspirated . Sounds such as [ ʃ, h, ŋ ] occur as allophones of / t͡ʃ, χ, n /. Aymara also has

855-431: Is motion:" one is "time passing is motion over a landscape" (or "moving-ego"), and the other is "time passing is a moving object" ("moving-events"). The latter metaphor does not explicitly involve the individual/speaker. Events are in a queue, with prior events towards the front of the line. The individual may be facing the queue, or it may be moving from left to right in front of him/her. The claims regarding Aymara involve

900-607: Is not yet well established. Hardman has proposed the name 'Jaqi' ('human') while other widely respected Peruvian linguists have proposed alternative names for the same language family. Alfredo Torero uses the term 'Aru' ('speech'); Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino, meanwhile, has proposed that the term 'Aymara' should be used for the whole family, distinguished into two branches, Southern (or Altiplano) Aymara and Central Aymara (Jaqaru and Kawki). Each of these three proposals has its followers in Andean linguistics . In English usage, some linguists use

945-503: Is reflected in every sentence of the language. The three major grammatical categories of evidentiality are: Nominal morphology involves suffixes, with two kinds of nominal suffixes: possession and modification. Noun suffixes consist of two types. One set involves the interplay of nouns with the rest of the sentence (there are 10 of these suffixes: 4 possessives, 5 directionals, and 1 object marker). All other nominal suffixes function to create complex nouns (Hardman, 2000). Nominal morphology

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990-426: Is the one used by the lexicographer Juan Francisco Deza Galindo in his Diccionario Aymara – Castellano / Castellano – Aymara . This alphabet has five vowels ⟨a, e, i, o, u⟩, aspiration is conveyed with an ⟨h⟩ next to the consonant, and ejectives with ⟨'⟩. The most unusual characteristic is the expression of the uvular /χ/ with ⟨jh⟩. The other uvular segment, /q/, is expressed by ⟨q⟩, but transcription rules mandate that

1035-583: The Alfabeto Unificado. The alphabet, later sanctioned in Bolivia by Decree 20227 on 9 May 1984 and in Peru as la Resolución Ministerial Peruana 1218ED on 18 November 1985, consists of 3 vowels, 26 consonants and an umlaut to mark vowel length. The orthography was shown in the phonological table in the previous section, and is the same where angle brackets are not shown. In 2015 a full writing system

1080-422: The Aymara have an apparently unique (or at least very rare) understanding of time. Aymara is, with Quechua, one of very few [Núñez & Sweetser, 2006, p. 403] languages in which speakers seem to represent the past as in front of them and the future as behind them. Their argument is mainly within the framework of conceptual metaphor , which recognizes in general two subtypes of the metaphor "the passage of time

1125-519: The Aymara under the Inca empire. More than a century passed before "Aymara" entered general usage to refer to the language spoken by the Aymara people (Briggs, 1976:14). In the meantime the Aymara language was referred to as "the language of the Colla". The best account of the history of Aymara is that of Cerrón-Palomino, who shows that the ethnonym Aymara, which came from the glottonym, is likely derived from

1170-666: The Northern Aymara dialect, which encompasses the department of La Paz in Bolivia and the department of Puno in Peru. The Southern Aymara dialect is spoken in the eastern half of the Iquique province in northern Chile and in most of the Bolivian department of Oruro . It is also found in northern Potosi and southwest Cochabamba but is slowly being replaced by Quechua in those regions. Intermediate Aymara shares dialectical features with both Northern and Southern Aymara and

1215-464: The Quechuaized toponym ayma-ra-y 'place of communal property'. The entire history of this term is thoroughly outlined in his book, Voces del Ande (2008:19–32) and Lingüística Aimara . The suggestion that "Aymara" comes from the Aymara words " jaya " (ancient) and " mara " (year, time) is almost certainly a mistaken folk etymology . It is often assumed that the Aymara language descends from

1260-597: The centuries, Aymara has gradually lost speakers both to Spanish and to Quechua; many Peruvian and Bolivian communities that were once Aymara-speaking now speak Quechua. Aymara has three phonemic vowel qualities /a i u/ , which, in most varieties of the language, occur as either long or short (i.e. /iː i aː a uː u/ ). Long vowels are indicated in the spelling with a diaeresis in writing: ä , ï , ü . The high vowels /i u/ occur as mid-high [e o] when near uvular consonants /q qʰ qʼ χ/. The three vowel sounds are heard as [ə, ɪ, ʊ] when in unstressed positions. Vowel deletion

1305-438: The claims regarding Aymara uniqueness. However, those words relate events to other events and are part of the moving-events metaphor. In fact, when before means in front of ego , it can mean only future . For instance, our future is laid out before us while our past is behind us . Parallel Aymara examples describe future days as qhipa uru , literally 'back days', and they are sometimes accompanied by gestures to behind

1350-455: The domain of the morpheme, syllable, and phonological word/phrase. The phonological/morphophonological processes observed include syllabic reduction, epenthesis, deletion, and reduplication. Beginning with Spanish missionary efforts, there have been many attempts to create a writing system for Aymara. The colonial sources employed a variety of writing systems heavily influenced by Spanish, the most widespread one being that of Bertonio . Many of

1395-665: The early grammars employed unique alphabets as well as the one of Middendorf's Aymara-Sprache (1891). The first official alphabet to be adopted for Aymara was the Scientific Alphabet. It was approved by the III Congreso Indigenista Interamericano de la Paz in 1954, though its origins can be traced as far back as 1931. Rs. No 1593 (Deza Galindo 1989, 17). It was the first official record of an alphabet, but in 1914, Sisko Chukiwanka Ayulo and Julián Palacios Ríos had recorded what may be

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1440-717: The first of many attempts to have one alphabet for both Quechua and Aymara, the Syentifiko Qheshwa-Aymara Alfabeto with 37 graphemes. Several other attempts followed, with varying degrees of success. Some orthographic attempts even expand further: the Alfabeto Funcional Trilingüe , made up of 40 letters (including the voiced stops necessary for Spanish) and created by the Academia de las Lenguas Aymara y Quechua in Puno in 1944

1485-464: The following vowel must be ⟨a, e, o⟩ (not ⟨i, u⟩), presumably to account for uvular lowering and to facilitate multilingual orthography. The alphabet created by the Comisión de Alfabetización y Literatura Aymara (CALA) was officially recognized in Bolivia in 1968 (co-existing with the 1954 Scientific Alphabet). Besides being the alphabet employed by Protestant missionaries, it is also the one used for

1530-535: The language may have first occurred in the works of the lawyer, magistrate and tax collector in Potosí and Cusco , Polo de Ondegardo . This man, who later assisted Viceroy Toledo in creating a system under which the indigenous population would be ruled for the next 200 years, wrote a report in 1559 entitled 'On the lineage of the Yncas and how they extended their conquests' in which he discusses land and taxation issues of

1575-623: The language spoken in Tiwanaku on the grounds that it is the native language of that area today. That is very far from certain, however, and most specialists now incline to the idea that Aymara did not expand into the Tiwanaku area until rather recently, as it spread southwards from an original homeland that was more likely to have been in Central Peru. Aymara placenames are found all the way north into central Peru. Indeed, (Altiplano) Aymara

1620-671: The last two decades. There are even projects to offer Aymara through the internet, such as by ILCA. The following is a sample text in Ayamara, Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (by the United Nations): Taqi /ˈtaqi jaqinakaxa haqinaˈkaχa qhispiyata qʰispiˈjata yuripxi juˈɾipχi ukhamaraki ukʰamaˈɾaki jerarquía hiɾaɾˈkia ukhamaraki ukʰamaˈɾaki derechos Jaqaru language Jaqaru ( Haq'aru )

1665-598: The moving-ego metaphor. Most languages conceptualize the ego as moving forward into the future, with ego's back to the past. The English sentences prepare for what lies before us and we are facing a prosperous future exemplify the metaphor. In contrast, Aymara seems to encode the past as in front of individuals and the future behind them. That is typologically a rare phenomenon [Núñez & Sweetser, 2006, p. 416]. The fact that English has words like before and after that are (currently or archaically) polysemous between 'front/earlier' or 'back/later' may seem to refute

1710-481: The speaker. The same applies to Quechua-speakers, whose expression qhipa pʼunchaw corresponds directly to Aymara qhipa uru . Possibly, the metaphor is from the fact that the past is visible (in front of one's eyes), but the future is not. There is increasing use of Aymara locally and there are increased numbers learning the language, both Bolivian and abroad. In Bolivia and Peru, intercultural bilingual education programs with Aymara and Spanish have been introduced in

1755-416: The template (C)V(C)CV, with CVCV being predominant. The majority of suffixes are CV, though there are some exceptions: CVCV, CCV, CCVCV and even VCV are possible but rare. The agglutinative nature of this predominantly suffixing language, coupled with morphophonological alternations caused by vowel deletion and phonologically conditioned constraints, gives rise to interesting surface structures that operate in

1800-468: The term Aymaran languages for the family and reserve 'Aymara' for the Altiplano branch. There is some degree of regional variation within Aymara, but all dialects are mutually intelligible. Most studies of the language focused on either the Aymara spoken on the southern Peruvian shore of Lake Titicaca or the Aymara spoken around La Paz . Lucy Therina Briggs classifies both regions as being part of

1845-607: The three regular-length vowels. Jaqaru has three phonemic vowels /a i u/ , which distinguish two degrees of length. Long vowels (/a: i: u:/) are indicated in writing with a grave accent: à ì ù. Syntax in Jaqaru consists mainly of a system of sentence suffixes. These suffixes indicate sentence type (interrogative, declarative, etc.) Suffixes can and often do occur more than one per sentence, marking sentence type and creating complex constructions. Simply put, for sentences to be grammatical in Jaqaru, they must be inflected. Morphological words and syntactic phrases which do not contain

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1890-575: The translation of the Book of Mormon . Also in 1968, de Dios Yapita created his take on the Aymara alphabet at the Instituto de Lenga y Cultura Aymara (ILCA). Nearly 15 years later, the Servicio Nacional de Alfabetización y Educación Popular (SENALEP) attempted to consolidate these alphabets to create a system which could be used to write both Aymara and Quechua, creating what was known as

1935-480: The use of the word "Aymara" as a label for this people was standard practice as early as 1567, as evident from Garci Diez de San Miguel's report of his inspection of the province of Chucuito (1567, 14; cited in Lafaye 1964). In this document, he uses the term aymaraes to refer to the people. The language was then called Colla . It is believed that Colla was the name of an Aymara nation at the time of conquest, and later

1980-664: Was developed for Aymara using the Korean script Hangeul . Aymara is a highly agglutinative, predominantly suffixing language. All suffixes can be categorized into the nominal, verbal, transpositional and those not subcategorized for lexical category (including stem-external word-level suffixes and phrase-final suffixes), as below: All verbs require at least one suffix to be grammatical. A given word can take several transpositional suffixes: There are two kinds of suffixes not subcategorized for lexical categories: Linguistic and gestural analysis by Núñez and Sweetser also asserts that

2025-481: Was the southernmost region of the Inca empire Collasuyu. However, Cerrón Palomino disputes this claim and asserts that Colla were in fact Puquina speakers who were the rulers of Tiwanaku in the first and third centuries (2008:246). This hypothesis suggests that the linguistically-diverse area ruled by the Puquina came to adopt Aymara languages in their southern region. In any case, the use of "Aymara" to refer to

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