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106-604: Harki (adjective from the Algerian Arabic " ḥarka ", standard Arabic " ḥaraka " [حركة], "war party" or "movement", i.e., a group of volunteer militia) is the generic term for native Muslim Algerians who served as auxiliaries alongside the French Army during the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. The word sometimes applies to all Algerian Muslims (thus including civilians) who supported French Algeria during

212-570: A ceasefire agreement with the FLN. In July of the same year, the Algerian people approved the cease-fire agreement with France in a referendum , supporting economic and social cooperation between the two countries as well. Full independence followed, and the FLN seized control of the country. Political opposition in the form of the MNA and Communist organizations was outlawed, and Algeria was constituted as

318-523: A one-party state . The FLN became its only legal and ruling party. Immediately after independence, the party experienced a severe internal power struggle. Political leaders coalesced into two large camps: a Political Bureau formed by the radical Ahmed Ben Bella , who was assisted by the border army, faced off against the political leadership in the former exile government; Boumédiène's army quickly put down resistance and installed Ben Bella as president. The single most powerful political constituency remained

424-406: A "pro-system" party. Its role as Algeria's liberators has remained the absolute cornerstone of the party's self-perception, and the defining feature of its otherwise somewhat fluid ideology. The FLN was close to former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika , who was made honorary chairman. It mixes its traditional populist interpretations of Algeria's nationalist- revolutionary and Islamic heritage with

530-645: A colony. At the start of the Algerian War, the FLN offered Jews the opportunity to join their efforts, and in return Jews would be given Algerian citizenship when Algeria won independence. Most of the Jews in Algeria sided with the French Government, much to the dismay of the FLN and their supporters. During the course of the war, Jews in Algeria began to feel as if the FLN was targeting Jews and not just

636-806: A derogatory expression within Algeria. Amongst some of the Franco-Algerian community, Harkis have been likened to collaborators in France during the German occupation in World War II. Algerian historian Mohammed Harbi , a former FLN member, believes that comparison between Harkis and traitors or "collaborators" is not pertinent. In July 2020, president Emmanuel Macron commissioned the French historian of Algerian-Jewish heritage Benjamin Stora to write

742-461: A low level of literacy. Therefore, serving in irregular home defence or other auxiliary units alongside the French army, was seen as providing a stable livelihood. The FLN had attacked members of rival nationalist groups as well as pro-French Muslim collaborators; and some Algerians enrolled in the Harkis to avenge the deaths of relatives who had been political opponents of the FLN. Others defected from

848-766: A major contribution during the liberation of Southern France (1944) and in the campaigns in Italy ( French Expeditionary Corps ) and Germany of 1944–45. Tirailleurs from Algeria, Morocco and West Africa fought in Indochina as part of the French Expeditionary Force until the Fall of Dien Bien Phu (1954). With the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954, the loyalty of the Muslim Algerian soldiers to France inevitably came under heavy strain. Some of

954-464: A mostly Semitic vocabulary. It contains Berber , Punic , and African Romance influences and has some loanwords from French , Andalusi Arabic , Ottoman Turkish and Spanish . Berber loanwords represent 8% to 9% of its vocabulary. Algerian Arabic is the native dialect of 75% to 80% of Algerians and is mastered by 85% to 100% of them. It is a spoken language used in daily communication and entertainment, while Modern Standard Arabic (MSA)

1060-474: A movement within a wider Arab nationalism and also a pan-Arab solidarity. It essentially drew its political self-legitimization from three sources: Nationalism , and the revolutionary war against France; Socialism , loosely interpreted as a popular anti-exploitation creed; Islam , defined as the main foundation for the national consciousness, and a crucial factor in solidifying the Algerian identity as separate from that of French Algerians or pied-noirs . As

1166-430: A pro-system conservatism , and support for gradual pro-market reform qualified by statist reflexes. Since the breakdown of the one-party system and its detachment from the state structure in ca. 1988–1990, the FLN has been in favor of multi-party democracy , whereas it upheld itself as the only organization representing the Algerian people before this period. The FLN was admitted into Socialist International (SI) as

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1272-496: A report and make his recommendations concerning the "memories of colonization and the Algerian War". This report was delivered to the French government in January 2021. In September 2021, Macron asked for "forgiveness on behalf of his country for abandoning Algerians who fought alongside France in their country's war of independence" and that France had "failed in its duty towards the Harkis, their wives, [and] their children". During

1378-476: A secular institutional dominance over religion. The later FLN's ideological change towards anti-socialism and anti-communism can be illustrated by Kaid Ahmed's opposition towards Boumédiène's leftist agenda, which featured the radical agrarian revolution that hurt rich landowners who defended themselves on the religious ground and fueled the Islamic movement, which gradually took over the national sentiment later in

1484-557: A stark distinction between written Classical Arabic, and casually written Algerian Arabic. One point of interest in Algerian Arabic that sets it apart from other conservative Arabic dialects is its preservation of phonemes in (specifically French) loanwords that would otherwise not be found in the language: / ɔ̃ / , / y / , and / ɛ / are all preserved in French loanwords such as /syʁ/ (French: 'sûre', English: 'sure') or /kɔnɛksiɔ̃/ (connection). Some of them can be attached to

1590-770: A statement that "the Auxiliary troops landing in the Metropolis in deviation from the general plan will be sent back to Algeria". The French government did not plan for the Harkis after independence, and for some years it did not recognize any right for them to stay in France as residents and citizens. The Harkis were kept in "temporary" internment camps surrounded by barbed wire, such as the Camp de Rivesaltes (Joffre Camp) in Rivesaltes outside of Perpignan and in "chantiers de forestage" — communities of 30 Harki families on

1696-649: Is a nationalist political party in Algeria . It was the principal nationalist movement during the Algerian War and the sole legal and ruling political party of the Algerian state until other parties were legalised in 1989. The FLN was established in 1954 following a split in the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties from members of the Special Organisation paramilitary; its armed wing,

1802-851: Is estimated that the National Liberation Front (FLN) or lynch mobs in Algeria killed at least 30,000 and possibly as many as 150,000 Harkis and their dependents, sometimes in circumstances of extreme cruelty. In A Savage War Of Peace , Alistair Horne wrote: Hundreds died when put to work clearing the minefields along the Morice Line , or were shot out of hand. Others were tortured atrociously; army veterans were made to dig their own tombs, then swallow their decorations before being killed; they were burned alive, or castrated, or dragged behind trucks, or cut to pieces and their flesh fed to dogs. Many were put to death with their entire families, including young children. After March 1962

1908-510: Is generally reserved for official use and education. As in the rest of the Arab world , this linguistic situation has been described as diglossia : MSA is nobody's first acquired language; it is learned through formal instruction rather than transmission from parent to child . Besides informal communication, Algerian Arabic is rarely written. In 2008, The Little Prince was translated in Algerian Arabic. The first novel written in Algerian Arabic

2014-652: Is mainly used, for the same words, in pre-Hilalian dialects: The article el is indeclinable and expresses a definite state of a noun of any gender and number. It is also prefixed to each of that noun's modifying adjectives. It follows the sun and moon letters rules of Classical Arabic: if the word starts with one of these consonants, el is assimilated and replaced by the first consonant: t , d , r , z , s , š , ṣ , ḍ , ṭ , l , n . Examples: Important Notes : Examples: Examples: Verbs are conjugated by adding affixes (prefixes, postfixes, both or none) that change according to

2120-1136: Is published by Rabeh Sebaa in 2021 and is entitled Fahla (in Latin script and Arabic characters). The classification of dialects in Algeria is made particularly difficult due to the geography of Algeria, allowing pockets of isolated speakers to form, as well as the mixing of dialects in urban centers, creating a "koine" for each city. However, the Arab dialects can still be divided into two genetically different groups: pre-Hilalian and Hilalian dialects . Hilalian dialects of Algeria belong to three linguistic groups: Modern koine languages , urban and national, are based mainly on Hilalian dialects. Pre-Hilalian Arabic dialects are generally classified into three types: Urban, "Village" Sedentary, and Jewish dialects. Several Pre-Hilalian dialects are spoken in Algeria: In comparison to other Maghrebi dialects, Algerian Arabic has retained numerous phonetic elements of Classical Arabic lost by its relatives; In Algiers dialect,

2226-444: Is used in all of the other Arabic dialects, there is another way of showing active tense. The form changes the root verb into an adjective . For example, "kteb" he wrote becomes "kateb". Like all North African Arabic varieties (including Egyptian Arabic ) along with some Levantine Arabic varieties, verbal expressions are negated by enclosing the verb with all its affixes, along with any adjacent pronoun-suffixed preposition, within

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2332-400: Is used in some words in the Algerian dialect like " تشينا " /t͡ʃinaː/ (orange) or " تشاراك " /t͡ʃaːraːk/ (A kind of Algerian sweet) but remains rare. A study of Northwestern Algerian Arabic (specifically around Oran ) showed that laterals / l / or / ɫ / or the nasal consonant / n / would be dissimilated into either / n / in the case of / l / or / ɫ / ; or / l / or / ɫ / in

2438-593: The circumfix ma ...-š ( /ʃ/ ): Other negative words (walu, etc.) are used in combination with ma to express more complex types of negation. ʃ is not used when other negative words are used or when two verbs are consecutively in the negative Verb derivation is done by adding affixes or by doubling consonants, there are two types of derivation forms: causative , passive . Things could be in three places hnaya (right here), hna (here) or el-hih (there). Most Algerian Arabic dialects have eight personal pronouns since they no longer have gender differentiation of

2544-521: The 2017 parliamentary elections , FLN won 164 of the 462 seats, thus losing 44 seats; however, thanks to the good performance of the RND (which won 100 seats), the Presidential Alliance was able to maintain a parliamentary majority and continue to rule the country. Jews in Algeria were given French citizenship during the colonial era starting in 1870, while Muslims were denied citizenship by

2650-527: The Algerian Civil War of 1991–2002, the Islamic fundamentalist insurgents used "harkis" as an abusive term for government police and soldiers. In 2006, French politician Georges Frêche generated controversy after telling a group of Harkis in Montpellier that they were "subhumans". He later claimed he had been referring to a specific individual in the crowd, but was fined 15,000 Euros for

2756-786: The Franco-Prussian War of 1870 and especially during World War I (1914–1918), when 100,000 died in fighting against the Imperial German Army . During World War II , after the rearmament of the French Army accomplished by the US forces in North Africa in 1942–1943, North African troops serving with the French Army numbered about 233,000 (more than 50% of the Free French Army effectives). They made

2862-566: The National Liberation Army , participated in the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. After the Évian Accords of 1962, the party purged internal dissent and ruled Algeria as a one-party state . After the 1988 October Riots and the Algerian Civil War (1991–2002) against Islamist groups, the FLN was reelected to power in the 2002 Algerian legislative election , and has generally remained in power until 2007, when it started forming coalitions with other parties. The background of

2968-469: The pouvoir , General Mediene's face remains unknown; it is said that anyone who has seen it expires soon after." On 13 September 2015, it was announced that Mediène was retiring and President Bouteflika had appointed General Athmane Tartag to succeed him. Mediène's dismissal was viewed as the culmination of a long "behind-the-scenes power struggle" with Bouteflika, leaving the latter fully in charge and giving him more power to determine his own successor. In

3074-487: The 1956 Suez Crisis . Once Algeria gained independence in 1962, Arab nationalist leader Ahmed Ben Bella was elected president after winning elections with 99.6 per cent of the votes. He composed the Algerian constitution in October 1963, which asserted that Islam was the state religion, Arabic was the sole national and official language of the state, Algeria was an integral part of the Arab world , and that Arabization

3180-409: The 1980s the FLN toned down the socialist content of its programme, enacting some free-market reforms and purging Boumédiène stalwarts. It was not until 1988 that massive demonstrations and riots jolted the country towards major political reform. The riots led to the constitution being amended to allow a multi-party system. The first multi-party elections were the 1990 local elections , which saw

3286-619: The 25 September 2001 Day of National Recognition for the Harkis. While active Harki associations in France continue working to obtain further recognition and aid in integrating into the society; they are still a largely un-assimilated refugee minority. For its part, the Algerian government does not recognize the Harkis as French citizens. It does not permit them to enter Algeria to visit their birth-places or family members left behind in that country. Harkis are sometimes described in France as "Français par le sang versé" ("French by spilled blood"). Since Algerian independence, "Harki" has been used as

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3392-489: The 389 seats. The party nominated Ali Benflis as its candidate for the 2004 presidential elections . He finished as runner-up to the incumbent Abdelaziz Bouteflika , but received only 6.4% of the vote. In 2005 FLN formed the Presidential Alliance with the National Rally for Democracy (RND) and the Movement of Society for Peace (MSP). The 2007 parliamentary elections saw the FLN reduced to 163 seats, although

3498-468: The Algerian Muslim troops still serving as volunteer regulars within the French Army, were offered the option of continuing to serve under contract in France or else. Those who opted to be discharged and remain in independent Algeria were only occasionally subject to reprisals. Some leaders of the new Algerian Republic were veterans of the French Army, which prior to independence had provided one of

3604-493: The Algerian indigenous elites; the elimination of class structure undertoned the later FLN populism and socialist agendas. Such egalitarianism , which implies a liberation struggle, reflects the FLN's militant socialism during Ben Bella's period, who considered the struggle was to invent a new society to release the peasantry's potential. This ideological construct of the FLN is controversial and disputed but can be analyzed through lenses of different socio-economic contexts. Given

3710-501: The FLN believed in the harmony between religion and socialism and it was in their political interest to renew the FLN party by leading a popular revolution to integrate Islam and socialism. Despite being challenged by the Algerian Ulema and other domestic conservatives who criticized Ben Bella on the shallowness of his intentionally Islamism-leaning policies, the FLN kept its Marxist–Leninist organization principles that featured

3816-560: The FLN can be traced back to the growing anti-colonialism and Algerian nationalist sentiments since the outbreak of WWII . The repression against the Algerian Muslim population intensified as Abdelhamid Ben Badis got placed under house arrest and Marshal Pétain 's government banned the Algerian Communist Party and Algerian People's Party . As the war turned gradually more in favor of the Western Allies, given

3922-667: The FLN heavily defeated by the Islamist Islamic Salvation Front (ISF), which won control of over half the local councils; the FLN received just over a quarter of the vote, retaining control of a similar number of councils. The first round of the parliamentary elections the following year saw the ISF win 188 of the 231 seats, whilst the FLN won only 16, placing third behind the Socialist Forces Front . However, shortly afterwards, due to fears of

4028-419: The FLN rebel forces, persuaded by one means or another to change sides. Many Harkis came from families or other groups who had traditionally given service to France. A principal motive for fighting on the side of the French was to provide for family and protect property, rather than strictly a patriotic devotion to France. From the viewpoint of Algerian nationalists, all Harkis were traitors; but at independence,

4134-467: The FLN ticket in the 2014 presidential elections with 82% of the vote. The elderly and ailing Bouteflika is widely seen as a mere frontman for what has often described as a "shadowy" group of generals and intelligence officers known to the Algerians collectively as le pouvoir ("the power") and whose individual members are called décideurs with The Economist writing in 2012 "The most powerful man in

4240-481: The FLN's Abdelaziz Belkhadem remained Prime Minister. Bouteflika was the party's candidate in the 2009 presidential elections , which he won with 90% of the vote. In 2012, MSP left the Presidential Alliance and joined the Green Algeria Alliance . Despite that, the FLN remained the largest party following the 2012 parliamentary elections , winning 208 of the 462 seats. Bouteflika was re-elected on

4346-491: The French people living in Algeria. This led to increased tensions between Jews and Muslims in the area. After the war, Algerian citizenship was only extended to Muslims whose fathers and grandfathers were Muslim at the time the FLN won independence from the French Government and those who participated directly or indirectly in the national liberation movement. Algerian Jews were no longer considered Algerian, but they still retained French citizenship. With their French citizenship,

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4452-414: The French regular army than with the Algerian nationalist Front de Libération Nationale (FLN). According to US Army data, possibly compiled at a different date, the Harkis numbered about 180,000, more than the total FLN effectives. A 1995 study by General Faivre indicates that by 1961 about 210,000 Muslim Algerians served in the French Army or as auxiliaries, and a maximum of 50,000 in the FLN. A report to

4558-400: The French. Abane Ramdane was recruited to take control of the FLN's Algiers campaign, and went on to become one of its most effective leaders. By 1956, nearly all the nationalist organizations in Algeria had joined the FLN, which had established itself as the main nationalist group through both co-opting and coercing smaller organizations; the most important group that remained outside the FLN

4664-459: The French. The Jews in Algeria were seen as a go-between for French-Muslim relations; however, the lack of citizenship on behalf of the Muslims created tension between the two groups. During the Algerian War, Jews felt as if they were being forced to choose sides; they were either Algerian and fighting with the FLN for independence, or they were French and fighting with the French to keep Algeria as

4770-485: The Harkis under their command - as well as their families - to escape from Algeria. About 90,000 Harkis (including family members) found refuge in France. On the other hand, the far-right Organisation armée secrète terrorist group initiated a campaign of bombings in Algeria following the Évian Accords to block Pieds-Noirs population from leaving the country. As feared, widespread reprisals  [ fr ] took place against those Harkis who remained in Algeria. It

4876-513: The Harkis were mostly culturally Algerian, speaking limited French, and largely indistinguishable from the majority of ordinary Algerians except for their service in French auxiliary military units. While many of the Évolués migrated to France during the Algerian Revolution , some remained in independent Algeria after 1962. Similar organizations: Algerian Arabic Like other varieties of Maghrebi Arabic, Algerian Arabic has

4982-459: The ISF forming an Islamic state , a military coup d'état cancelled the election process and forced president Bendjedid to resign, sparking the Algerian Civil War . Algeria was under direct military rule for several years, during which the party remained in opposition to the government during the first part of the war, notably in 1995 signing the Sant'Egidio Platform , which was highly critical of

5088-493: The Islamic movement had been rather successfully monitored and subdued by the government during the previous 20 years, but the Iranian Revolution rekindled the movement and posed a greater threat to the state. Since the Algerian independence, Religion had been relegated to the role of legitimizing factor for the party-regime, especially under the presidency of Col. Houari Boumédiènne (1965–78), but even then Islam

5194-521: The Islamism started with the noticeable wave of Islamic discourse led by religious scholars such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–97), Mohammed Abduh (1849–1905) and Rashid Rida (1865–1935) that focused on resisting the foreign economic control and establishing an Islamic country based on the sharia, which were the core values of the Algerian Ulama . The movement absolutely rejected atheism and

5300-584: The MNA in Algeria (and wrestling with Messali's followers over control of the expatriate community, in the " Café Wars " in France), and another, stronger component more resembling a traditional army. These units were based in neighbouring Arab countries (notably in Oujda in Morocco , and Tunisia), and although they infiltrated forces and ran weapons and supplies across the border, they generally saw less action than

5406-524: The MTDL's ability to gain further political power. Consequently, the Algerian nationalists veered to a more military approach as noted in their participation in the Special Organisation (Algeria) , which is a paramilitary component of the MTLD and included the important figures in Algerian politics such Ahmed Ben Bella , Hocine Aït Ahmed , and Mohammed Boudiaf . Later in 1951, the capture of Ahmed Ben Bella and

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5512-489: The Pieds-Noirs and seeking refuge in metropolitan France. William B. Cohen wrote: There was little sympathy for the Harkis in the [French] government.... De Gaulle described the Harkis as 'soldiers of fortune' who served no purpose and should be got rid of as soon as possible. [Harkis] were not of interest to the French government because they were not French. Some officers of the French army disobeyed and tried to assist

5618-597: The US's global engagement and its ideological campaign against colonialism, the core sentiment amongst the Algerian nationalists was to use the victory in Europe to promote the independence of the country, which is reflected by the issuing of the Manifesto of the Algerian People by Ferhat Abbas . As this objective failed to materialize, a new party Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTDL) founded by

5724-671: The United Nations dated 13 March 1962 gave an estimated total of 263,000 "pro-French Muslims" broken down to 20,000 regular soldiers, 40,000 conscripts, 78,000 Harkis and Moghaznis, 15,000 mobile group commandos and 60,000 civilian self-defense group members. The remaining 50,000 included Muslim government officials and veterans of the French Army. The French civil administration used the Harkis as either home defence militia or as guerrilla -style field units, though mostly in conventional formations . They generally served either in all-Algerian units commanded by French officers seconded from

5830-476: The War of Independence for pragmatic reasons but refused to allow them to organize separately from the FLN after the war. The FLN then quickly moved to dissolve the pro-Moscow Algerian Communist Party (PCA). However, since independent Algeria was set up as a one-party system under the FLN soon thereafter, many communist intellectuals were later co-opted into the regime at various stages. The cooperation occurred during

5936-665: The age of 18 lived in France. French President Jacques Chirac established 25 September 2001 as the Day of National Recognition for the Harkis. On 14 April 2012, President Nicolas Sarkozy recognized France's "historical responsibility" in abandoning Harki French Muslim veterans at the time of the war. Muslim Algerians had served in large numbers as regular soldiers with the French Army of Africa from 1830 to 1962. Enlisting as spahis ( cavalry ) and tirailleurs (lit. skirmisher , i.e. infantry ), they played an important part during

6042-502: The army. In 1965, the tension between Boumédiène and Ben Bella culminated in a coup d'état, after Ben Bella had tried to sack one of the Colonel's closest collaborators, Foreign Minister Abdelaziz Bouteflika (who was elected President of Algeria in 1999). A statist- socialist and anticolonial nationalist, Boumédiène ruled through decree and "revolutionary legitimacy", marginalizing the FLN in favor of his personal decision-making and

6148-609: The case of / n / when closely preceding a corresponding lateral or nasal consonant. Thus /zəlzla/ (earthquake) has become /zənzla/ , conversely /lʁənmi/ "mutton" becomes /lʁəlmi/ . The same study also noted numerous examples of assimilation in Northwestern Algerian Arabic, due to the large consonant clusters created from all of the historical vowel deletion: examples include /dəd͡ʒaːd͡ʒ/ "chicken", becoming /d͡ʒaːd͡ʒ/ and /mliːħ/ "good", becoming /mniːħ/ . An example of assimilation that occurs after

6254-531: The ceasefire of 19 March 1962, the FLN is thought to have massacred thousands of harkis , Muslim Algerians who had served in the French army and whom the French, contrary to promises given, had denied a "repatriation" to France. An example of an FLN massacre is the Philippeville massacre . The war for independence continued until March 1962, when the French government finally signed the Évian Accords ,

6360-467: The century. Starting in 1971 and ending in 1992, the government under Chadli Bendjedid was authoritative but collegial, less rigid on ideologies but more moderate on domestic and international issues, while Bendjedid and his advisers believed in socialism. The organization initially committed itself to socialism , but understood this along the lines of Arab socialism , and opposed orthodox Marxism . The existence of different classes in Algerian society

6466-525: The conservative social mores of Algeria's population. It has strongly condemned the radical- fundamentalist religious teachings of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and other Islamist groups, even while supporting the inclusion of non-violent Islamist parties in the political system and working with them. Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism are considered core principles of the FLN and Algerian nationalism . Arab themes were glorified as

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6572-467: The continued existence of 3 long vowels: / iː / , / uː / , and / aː / , Algerian Arabic also retains the short close back vowel / u / in speech, however the short equivalents of / iː / and / aː / have fused in modern Algerian Arabic, creating a single phoneme / ə /. Also notable among the differences between Classical Arabic and Algerian Arabic is the deletion of short vowels entirely from open syllables and thus word final positions, which creates

6678-492: The early Ben Bella and late Boumédiènne years when the Socialist Vanguard Party (PAGS), established in 1966, cooperated and tactically consulted with the FLN and recognized the FLN as the sole legitimate party in the country. During all periods of Algerian post-colonial history, except for a few years between 1990 and 1996, the FLN has been a pillar of the political system and has primarily been viewed as

6784-618: The few avenues for advancement open to the Muslim majority in colonial society. By 1961 there were about 400 Algerian Muslim officers in the French Army, although only one had achieved promotion to the rank of general. Originally the only official provision made for transferring serving Harkis to France had been for those who were willing to enlist in the French Army. Most Harkis were ineligible for this option because it applied only to single men within limited age categories. The French government, concerned mainly with disengagement from Algeria and

6890-611: The field. They were lightly armed (often only with shotguns and antique rifles), but their knowledge of local terrain and conditions made them valuable auxiliaries to French regular units. According to General R. Hure, by 1960 approximately 150,000 Muslim Algerians served in the French Army or as auxiliaries. In addition to volunteers and conscripts serving in regular units, this total took into account 95,000 Harkis (including 20,000 in separate mokhazni district police forces and 15,000 in commando de chasse tracking units). French authorities claimed that more Algerian Muslims served with

6996-497: The formation of the FLN and later during the Islamist movement . The Muslim population had been discriminated against at a constitutional level, as illustrated by the fact that French settlers formed up to 80% of the membership in three departmental councils in 1875; and at a local level, the metropolitan model composed of a major and municipal council only granted voting right to 5% of the adult male Muslim population until 1919, when

7102-430: The former ALN, which had returned largely unscathed from exile and was now organized as the country's armed forces ; added to this were regionally powerful guerrilla irregulars and others who jockeyed for influence in the party. In building his one-party regime, Ben Bella purged remaining dissidents (such as Ferhat Abbas ), but also quickly ran into opposition from Boumédiène as he tried to assert himself independently from

7208-427: The foundation of Algerian nationalism that would fit into Pan-Arabism. Albert Camus argued that Algerian nationalism was closely tied to Nasserism and Pan-Arabism in an essay titled 'Algeria 1958'. A prominent member of the Algerian independence movement, Abdel-Hamid ibn Badis (1889–1940), emphasized the Arab and Muslim character of Algeria through his Association of Algerian Muslim Ulema , and famously coined

7314-590: The global background of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Cold War , Algeria was considered the entry point into the Third World in this ideological conflict; the FLN's ideologies under Ben Bella and Boumédiène were largely shaped by the fundamental needs of the country such as radical economic reforms, getting international aids and recognition, along with the domestic Islamic pressure. Facing

7420-504: The grave economic consequences of the Algerian War of Independence that included the destruction of 8,000 villages and millions of acres of land, a centralized authority, in this case, the FLN, was forced to act and redress the problem through a Leninist and corporatist framework. In response, Ben Bella also experimented the socialist autogestion among the Muslim workers who entered industrial and agricultural businesses that featured profit-sharing and equity. Ben Bella and his supporters in

7526-488: The just-released Messali Hadj started to gain momentum and took the lead in the nationalist movement. However, the Algerian Assembly's double electoral college system stipulated an equal number of 60 representation between the French settlers and the Muslim community while the Muslim community was significantly larger than the settlers. The underrepresentation combined with the unfair election in 1948 limited

7632-458: The land may be Mohamed Mediène, known as Toufiq who has headed military intelligence for two decades". General Mohamed Mediène , the chief of military intelligence from 1990 to 2015 was known to be a leading décideur within le pouvior and for his secrecy with The Economist reporting on 21 September 2013: "Despite his leading role in defeating Islamic militants in a brutal civil war between 1991 and 2000, and his less public role as kingmaker in

7738-798: The letters / ðˤ / ظ , / ð / ذ , and ث / θ / are not used, they are in most cases pronounced as the graphemes ض , د , and ت respectively. This conservatism concerning pronunciation is in contrast to Algerian Arabic grammar which has shifted noticeably. In terms of differences from Classical Arabic, the previous / r / and / z / phonemes have developed contrastive glottalized forms and split into / r / and / rˤ / ; and / z / and / zˤ / . Additionally, / q / from Classical Arabic has split into / q / and / ɡ / in most dialects. The phonemes / v / and / p / which are not common in Arabic dialects arise almost exclusively from (predominantly French) loanwords. ^1 The voiceless "Ch" (t͡ʃ)

7844-407: The majority of Jews in Algeria decided to emigrate to France, with a small number of Jews deciding to emigrate to Israel and an even smaller number of Jews deciding to stay in Algeria under the rule of the FLN. Between 1961 and 1962, 130,000 out of Algeria's 140,000 Jews left for France, while around 10,000 immigrated to Israel . The FLN's ideology was primarily Algerian nationalist, understood as

7950-406: The mid- to late-1980s, Bendjedid reintroduced religiously conservative legislation in an attempt to appease growing Islamist opposition. During and after the Algerian Civil War , the party's position has remained that of claiming Algerian Islam as a main influence, while simultaneously arguing that this must be expressed as a progressive and modern faith, even if the party generally keeps in line with

8056-490: The military establishment, even while retaining the one-party system. Boumédiène held tight control over party leadership until his death in 1978, at which time the party reorganized again under the leadership of the military's next candidate, Col. Chadli Bendjedid . The military remained well-represented on the FLN Central Committee and is widely thought to have been the real power-broker in the country. During

8162-435: The military establishment. After internal power struggles and a leadership change, it returned to supporting the presidency. After formal democracy was restored, the FLN initially failed to regain its prominent position; in the 1997 parliamentary elections it emerged as the third-largest party, receiving 14% of the vote and winning 69 of the 231 seats. However, it won a landslide victory in the 2002 elections , winning 199 of

8268-589: The modern koine is based, often use regular plural while the wider use of the broken plural is characteristic to pre-Hilalian dialects. The regular masculine plural is formed with the suffix -in , which derives from the Classical Arabic genitive and accusative ending -īna rather than the nominative -ūna : For feminine nouns, the regular plural is obtained by suffixing -at : The broken plural can be found for some plurals in Hilalian dialects, but it

8374-537: The name implies, it viewed itself as a "front" composed of different social sectors and ideological trends, even if the concept of a monolithic Algerian polity gradually submerged this vision. A separate party ideology was not well developed at the time of independence, except insofar as it focused on the liberation of Algeria. This latter aspect led to the denial of or refusal to deal with the separate Berber identity held by Algerian Berbers who made up about 20% of Algeria, something which caused fierce opposition and led to

8480-435: The noun, just like in other Arabic dialects. The word for in , "fi", can be attached to a definite noun. For example, the word for a house has a definite form "ed-dar" but with "fi", it becomes "fed-dar". Algerian Arabic uses two genders for words: masculine and feminine. Masculine nouns and adjectives generally end with a consonant while the feminine nouns generally end with an a . Examples: Hilalian dialects, on which

8586-532: The number increased to 25%. Therefore, its nationalist outlook was also closely interwoven with anti-Colonialism and anti-imperialism, something which would remain a lasting characteristic of Algerian foreign policy . Islamism pertained its dominance in Algerian politics because of the specific social contexts during different periods. The humiliating failure of the Mokrani Revolt in 1871 facilitated

8692-403: The often-cited phrase: "Islam is our religion, Algeria is our homeland, Arabic is our language", while his fellow 'alim Ahmad Tawfiq al-Madani (1889–1983) wrote extensive historical writings in Arabic celebrating the Muslim and Arab ancestors of Algeria. During the Algerian war of independence, the FLN emerged as the main socialist group after uniting with several smaller independence groups, and

8798-482: The outskirts of forests which the men maintained. The French government has since enacted various measures to help the Harki community (notably the 1994 Romani law and the 2005 Mekachera law); although in the views of community leaders these laws are often too little, too late. The government of Jacques Chirac subsequently acknowledged these former allies, holding public ceremonies to commemorate their sacrifices, such as

8904-423: The popular masses, Algeria will engage itself in the promotion of the formulas of union, integration or fusion that may fully respond to the legitimate and deep aspirations of the Arab people". Like Ben Bella, Boumédiène imposed Arab socialism as the state ideology and declared Islam the state religion. He was more assertive than Ben Bella in carrying out Arabization, especially between 1970 and 1977. The year 1971

9010-532: The pro-Islamism sentiment in the society as people generally regarded Islam as the long-lasting and never-fading symbolic opposition towards the French rule; also the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 provoked sympathy in the Muslim community and strengthened the Islamic cultural identity and these two events together consolidated the Islamism-Colonialism opposition rhetoric. The politicization of

9116-427: The regular army or in mixed units. Others were employed in platoon - or below-sized units attached to French battalions. A third use involved Harkis in intelligence-gathering roles, with some reported minor false-flag operations in support of intelligence collection. The Harkis had mixed motives for working with the French. Unemployment was widespread amongst the Muslim population, especially in rural districts with

9222-403: The regular units were transferred from Algeria to France or Germany following increased incidents of desertion or small-scale mutiny. As a partial replacement, the French administration recruited the Harkis as irregular militia based in their home villages or towns throughout Algeria. Initially raised as self-defence units, the Harkis, from 1956 on, increasingly served alongside the French Army in

9328-572: The repatriation of the Pieds-Noirs , disregarded or downplayed news of the massacres of Harkis. Charles de Gaulle appears to have been indifferent to the plight of the Muslim loyalists according to Horne, who reported that the president remarked to one of their spokesmen "Eh bien ! vous souffrirez" ("Well then — you will suffer"). On 19 March 1962 the responsible Minister of State Louis Joxe ordered attempts by French officers to transfer Harkis and their families to France to cease, followed by

9434-521: The rural guerrilla forces. These units were later to emerge under the leadership of army commander Colonel Houari Boumediene as a powerful opposition to the political cadres of the FLN's exile government , the GPRA , and they eventually came to dominate Algerian politics. The Algerian war resulted in between 300,000 and 400,000 deaths. The FLN is considered responsible for over 16,000 civilians killed and over 13,000 disappeared between 1954 and 1962. After

9540-1015: The second and third person in the plural forms. However, pre-Hilalian dialects retain seven personal pronouns since gender differentiation of the second person in the singular form is absent as well. Example: « ḥatta ana/ana tani. » — "Me too." Example: « Rani hna. » — "I'm here." and « Waš rak. » "How are you." to both males and females. Dar means house. Example : « dar-na. » — "Our house" (House-our) Possessives are frequently combined with taε "of, property" : dar taε-na — "Our house.", dar taε-kum ...etc. Singular: taε-i = my or mine taε-ek = your or yours (m, f) taε-u = his taε-ha = hers Plural: taε-na = our or ours taε-kum = your or yours (m, f) National Liberation Front (Algeria) The National Liberation Front ( Arabic : جبهة التحرير الوطني , romanized :  Jabhatu l-Taḥrīri l-Waṭanī ; French : Front de libération nationale ) commonly known by its French acronym FLN ,

9646-478: The short vowel deletion is the historical / dərˤwŭk/ "now" becoming /drˤuːk/ and then being assimilated to /duːk/ , illustrating the order in which the rules of Algerian Arabic may operate. The phonemic vowel inventory of Algerian Arabic consists of three long vowels: / iː / , / uː / , and / aː / contrasted with two short vowels: / u / and / ə /. Algerian Arabic Vowels retains a great deal of features in relation to Classical Arabic Arabic phonology, namely

9752-527: The signatories of the March 1962 cease-fire (" Accords d'Evian " signed by France and the Algerian FLN), guaranteed that no one, Harkis or Pieds-Noirs (Algerian-born Europeans with French nationality), would suffer reprisals after independence for any action during the war. In 1962 the French government of Charles de Gaulle originally ordered officials and army officers to block the Harkis from following

9858-592: The splintering of the movement immediately after independence, as Hocine Aït Ahmed set up the Berberist and pro-democracy Socialist Forces Front (FFS) in Tizi Ouzou and began a rebellion in Kabylia which was defeated by the government in 1965. Anti-Colonialism is widely considered as the core value in Algerian official discourse during its entire contemporary political and social history, especially during

9964-464: The statement. Frêche was later expelled from the Socialist Party for his remarks. Harkis were a distinct group from the Évolués , a sub-group of Algerians who became closely identified with the French, (or similar groups in other colonial territories), an Algerian or North African who assimilated closely to French culture through education, government service, and language. By contrast,

10070-644: The subsequent dismantling of the Special Organisation temporarily subdued the nationalist movement but sparkled the desire inside the Special Organisation militants to form a new organization – Revolutionary Committee of Unity and Action (CRUA). It initially had a five-man leadership consisting of Mostefa Ben Boulaïd , Larbi Ben M'hidi , Rabah Bitat , Mohamed Boudiaf and Mourad Didouche . They were joined by Krim Belkacem in August, and Hocine Aït Ahmed , Ahmed Ben Bella and Mohamed Khider later in

10176-602: The summer. The FLN was established on 10 October 1954. It succeeded the CRUA which had been formed earlier in the year because the CRUA failed to provide unity within the MTLD Party. On 1 November 1954, the FLN launched the Algerian War after publishing the Declaration of 1 November 1954 written by journalist Mohamed Aïchaoui . Didouche was killed on 18 January 1955, whilst both Ben Boulaïd and Bitat were captured by

10282-449: The tense. In all Algerian Arabic dialects, there is no gender differentiation of the second and third person in the plural forms, nor is there gender differentiation of the second person in the singular form in pre-Hilalian dialects. Hilalian dialects preserve the gender differentiation of the singular second person. Speakers generally do not use the future tense above. Used instead is the present tense or present continuous . Also, as

10388-661: The term can apply to Franco-musulmans rapatriés (repatriated French Muslims) living in the country since 1962 - and to their metropolitan-born descendants. In this sense, the term Harki refers to a social group - a fraction of the French Muslims from Algeria - as distinct from other French of Algerian origin, or from Algerians living in France. The French government wanted to avoid their massive resettlement in France. Early arrivals were interned in remote detainee camps and were victimized by endemic racism. By 2012, however, 800,000 Harkis, Pieds-Noirs and their descendants over

10494-443: The war. The motives for enlisting were mixed. They were regarded as traitors in independent Algeria and thousands of them were reportedly killed after the war in reprisals, despite the Évian Accords ceasefire and amnesty stipulations. President Charles de Gaulle controversially made the decision to not give the Harkis sanctuary in France, viewing them as "soldiers of fortune" who should be discharged as soon as possible. In France

10600-499: Was Messali Hadj 's Algerian National Movement (MNA). At this time the FLN reorganized into something like a provisional government, consisting of a five-man executive and legislative body, and was organized territorially into six wilayas , following the Ottoman -era administrative boundaries. The FLN's armed wing during the war was called the National Liberation Army (ALN). It was divided into guerrilla units fighting France and

10706-408: Was considered the state religion and a crucial part of Algerian identity, as Boumédiènne himself took pride in his Quranic training. His predecessor Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–65) was more committed to the Islamic component of the regime, although always viewed as more of an Arab nationalist than an Islamic activist (and he remains far removed from what is today referred to as Algeria's Islamists). During

10812-531: Was declared the "year of Arabization". Chadli Bendjedid had talks with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in 1988 about forming an Algeria-Libya Arab union. Instead the Arab Maghreb Union was formed in 1989. A historical reference of socialist values is the implementation of the Warnier Law of 1873, which allowed the selling of community land at an individual base toppled the economic power of

10918-497: Was generally rejected, even if several of the party's top ideologues were influenced to varying degrees by Marxist analysis. Borrowed Marxist terminology was instead commonly reinterpreted by party radicals in terms of the conflict with France, e.g. casting the colonizer in the role of economic exploiter-oppressor as well as national enemy, while the label of " bourgeoisie " was applied to uncooperative or pro-French elites. The FLN absorbed some communist activists into its ranks during

11024-524: Was not overtly secularist , contrary to widespread perception in the West, and Islamism was perhaps the most important mobilizing ideology during the Algerian War . Still, after independence, the party would in practice assume a strongly modernist interpretation of Islam, supported the social transformation of Algerian society, the emancipation of women, etc., and worked only through secular institutions. Before Col. Chadli Bendjedid came into power in 1971,

11130-518: Was strongly committed to Pan-Arabism. A major supporter of the Algerian independence movement was Gamal Abdel Nasser , whose mixture of Arab nationalism and revolution appealed to the Arabs in North Africa. He provided financial, diplomatic and military support to the FLN, and based the Algerian provisional government in Cairo . This played a major role in France's decision to wage war against him during

11236-415: Was the first priority of the country to reverse French colonization. Ben Bella was succeeded by Houari Boumédiène in 1965, who also pursued Arab socialist and Pan-Arabist policies. He drafted a new Algerian constitution in 1976 which declared "the unity of the Arab people is written in the community of the destinies of these people. When there will be the conditions for a unity based on the liberation of

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