Emanoil Băleanu ( Transitional Cyrillic : Eманoiл БълeaнȢ or БълѣнȢ; French : Emmanuel Balliano or Manuel de Balliano ; Greek : Ὲμανοὴλ Παλλιάνοσ , Emanoil Pallianos ; also known as Manole , Manoil , Manuil or Manolache Băleanu ; 1793 or 1794–1862), was a Wallachian statesman, soldier and industrialist who served as Caimacam (regent) in October 1858–January 1859. Descending from an old family of boyars , he was one of two sons born to Ban Grigore III Băleanu; the other, Nicolae, was a career bureaucrat, and the State Secretary of Wallachia in 1855–1856. Although prone to displays of Romanian nationalism , the family was prominent under the cosmopolitan Phanariotes , and young Băleanu was educated in Greek. Prince Alexandros Soutzos welcomed him at the court and became his father-in-law. At that stage, Băleanu's participation in the spoils system was signaled by his highly controversial claim to ownership of Târgoviște city, and also by his monopoly on handkerchief manufacture. A slaveowner , he founded the village of Bolintin-Deal , initially populated by his captive Romanies .
188-675: His father hoped to steer the anti-Phanariote revolt of 1821 , but both he and Emanoil were driven into exile when Bucharest fell to the rebels. In exile, Băleanu Jr began gravitating toward liberalism , before becoming curious about utopian socialism . Under the Regulamentul Organic regime, he was made Polkovnik in the Wallachian military forces and served two terms in the Ordinary National Assembly . He and Ioan Câmpineanu emerged as leaders of
376-508: A direct tax . The Russians and Ottomans finally reached a compromise on joint rule over the principalities, and granted them a charter, Regulamentul Organic , which codified their fundamental laws. This document, produced in 1831, was partly co-written by Grigore Băleanu and Iordache Filipescu. The throne in Bucharest was assigned to Alexandru II Ghica , who presided over an era of Westernization . Historian Bogdan Bucur notes that, under
564-928: A racial quota in assigning boyar offices and titles , and more generically a meritocracy . The main tax was kept, but reduced and divided into quarterly installments. Numerical estimates of Vladimirescu's force vary significantly. Some authors count 8,000 soldiers (6,000 Oltenian infantrymen, 2,000 Balkan cavalry), while others advance the number to 10,000, 14,000, or 24,000. According to Cioranu, in all Vladimirescu's army comprised 20,000 men: of his 12,000 Pandurs, 6,000 had been left at forts in Oltenia, including troops under Serdar Djuvara, Solomon, and Moangă; 8,000 Arnauts "of various races", mostly Serbs from Karađorđe's army, of whom only 2,500 were available for combat. Vladimirescu himself claimed to have at least 12,000 men under arms, while conservative estimates lower that number to 4,000 or 5,000. These troops were also backed by
752-533: A Wallachian magazine; Bellanger notes that Băleanu wanted the publication to be non-political. By 1838, Băleanu, Câmpineanu, Ruset and Costache Faca were members of the Assembly's financial board, questioning government's spending practices and attempting to draw more funds into education. In 1839, Prince Ghica appointed Băleanu as his Minister of Justice, or Great Logothete , although he subsequently reassigned him to Internal Affairs, as Vornic . In July of that year,
940-463: A brutal revenge on the revolutionaries: "I shall make myself a whip from the skins of Romanians". This return to conservatism immediately upset the lower strata: on the night of the coup, a Petre Cârciumaru of Olari mahala reportedly threatened to kill Commissioner Ion Bidu; the following morning, a group of men from Delea Veche Street, flying a flag of their own making, stormed the neighboring area and threw stones into Băleanu's townhouse. On July 3,
1128-707: A burgher revolt, during which cadastre officials were attacked and chased out of Târgoviște. Though he still favored the Arnauts, Soutzos revised anti-Pandur persecution, restoring their role in the army and placing them under the command of a Romanian, Ioan Solomon . His tensions with the Arnauts resulted in a standoff with the mercenaries, who barricaded themselves inside Sinaia Monastery . However, Pandur Mihai Cioranu contends, Wallachia "swarmed with Greeks as never before", with every military commission set aside to serve "the Prince and his Greeks". Soutzos' other conflict
1316-489: A cell of artillery personnel. According to various counts, they had five to eight cannons, of which two were smaller in size. The Pandurs' march came with a recruitment drive. For instance, Solomon's auxiliary force held Craiova, where they began signing up burghers. Pitești, which had strategic importance, was secured on March 7, and placed under Captain Simion Mehedințeanu. Pandur recruitment largely failed here, but
1504-546: A clampdown on revolutionary teachers. His brother Nicolae was appointed a Logothete , and served in the post-revolutionary administration of Bucharest. In October, he networked between the city guilds to ensure that the city and the Ottoman Army were properly supplied with bread. Știrbei was afterwards crowned Prince, more fully restoring the Regulamentul regime. On August 24, 1850, he made Emanoil his Minister of
1692-647: A commission comprising Băleanu, Ioan Slătineanu and Petrache Poenaru was sent by Ghica to inspect the Austrian–Wallachian border on the Cerna , after numerous reports that Austria was violating the Treaty of Sistova . The Austrians snubbed them as negotiators, informing them that they would only settle border issue with imperial Ottoman envoys. Băleanu soon joined the anti-Ghica faction, which by then included brothers Bibescu and Știrbei among its leaders. Speaking at
1880-423: A consortium of European powers, backing Ottoman suzerainty. Prince Știrbei, who realized that his regime was no longer supported internationally, tried to ensure his replacement by a triumvirate of Caimacami , who agreed with him on core policies. His favorites for this job were Băleanu, Manu, and Vornic Ioan Bibescu. Știrbei finally resigned on June 25, 1856: from Pitești , he declared Secretary Nicolae Băleanu as
2068-454: A contest for the princely throne, with both Prince Bibescu and Prince Știrbei entering the race. Although Băleanu himself was a client of both former princes, he registered as a candidate, with his new title of Ban , also running against his father-in-law Bălăceanu. On this second attempt, he was credited with minimal chances, being an "unexpected" contender. As the Divan began its proceedings, he
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#17327880331092256-514: A core interest in social revolution, seeing it as their mission to supplant or control boyardom. Thus, historian Gheorghe Potra describes Tudor's rising as primarily "anti-feudal", with a "national character" in that it also aimed to shake off "the Turkish yoke". As summarized by historian Neagu Djuvara , the Pandur revolt was originally "set out against all the nation's plunderers", but then "became
2444-548: A definitive schism within the regency, and pushed Vulpache closer to the National Party. Though they went back on some of their more controversial decisions, the other two Caimacami proceeded to govern by increasingly dictatorial means, suspending judicial independence, generalizing censorship, and ordering troops to mobilize in areas of the country that showed vocal support for unionism. The regency also restricted all forms of electoral propaganda. The elections doubled as
2632-456: A devastating fire in Bucharest, overseeing the reallocation of funds. His own family home had been destroyed by flames. On March 31, he signed his name to the customs union between Wallachia and Moldavia. However, in the government reshuffle of May he lost the position of Secretary, which went to Constantin Filipescu; on May 11, he became an honorary Vornic , alongside Vilara. From August, he
2820-533: A divorce in 1836, after which Alina moved in with Kiselyov and his wife Zofia Potocka. He held on to his Assembly seat following the 1836 election , which saw his father taking over as chief minister. According to Ion Ghica, the Nationals' "four-man party" controlled a majority of the Assembly seats, earning backing from Ilarion Gheorghiadis and other hierarchs of the Wallachian Church . As members of
3008-423: A favorable rent by overstating the riskiness of the cash flow stream and effectively managing the assigned debts as a skilled debt-collector and manager. They must ensure their ability to enforce debt payments, including resorting to legal action and paying standard fees for bringing a lawsuit under the government authority that is the farm's lessor. The tenant acts as a principal, not the lessor's agent. Tax farming
3196-513: A figure out of Molière 's comedies and an ultra-reactionary: "he wishes to preserve all titles, honors, privileges, [and] has protection from Russia and Austria". This assessment was backed by one of Ghica's anonymous informants, who assessed that all of Știrbei's former ministers were "firebrand defenders of the current regime and institutions". Overall, Bolintineanu contended, Băleanu was a "revolting nonentity". While similarly noting Băleanu's Austrian sympathies, Franz von Wimpffen cautioned that he
3384-399: A formal letter of protest. In order to win him over, on February 26 ( New Style : March 9) the Prince appointed him Ban of Oltenia. As reported by the poet Alexandrescu, the ceremony ended in " Homeric laughter " when Băleanu, overtaken with joy, sat down on the wrong side of the princely carriage. Meanwhile, Austrian occupation was giving way to a shared custody of Wallachia and Moldavia by
3572-714: A formal writ and presented on their behalf by Dinicu Golescu . Vladimirescu may have used this binding document as a collateral, allowing him to borrow 40,000 more thaler from Matija Nenadović . Liprandi also notes that the Pandur leader was already in contact with Ilarion Gheorghiadis , the Bishop of Argeș , who helped him define his international diplomacy. In the days before Soutzos' death, Vladimirescu had been spotted at Pitești , moving into Oltenia with some 40 Arnauts. He traveled under an innocuous pretext, claiming to be heading for his Gugiu estate in Gorj County , to settle
3760-559: A gift. According to at least one account, Samurcaș also prepared Arnaut troops, under Solomon and Djuvara, for a surprise attack on Vladimirescu's quarters. Prodan himself recounted that had secret orders to kill Vladimirescu, but disobeyed and defected to the Pandur side. Contrarily, anti-Greek authors view Prodan as a double agent of the Eteria, infiltrated alongside Dimitrie Macedonski. In recounting this episode, Liprandi claims that Vladimirescu turned tables and unexpectedly handed Samurcaș
3948-491: A land dispute. While various researchers agree that Vladimirescu and his Pandurs were motivated by a nationalist ideology, its outline and implications remain debated among scholars. Social historians Ioan C. Filitti and Vlad Georgescu both argue that as a nationalist, Vladimirescu had short-term and long-term agendas: demands of recognition from the Porte, and for the restoration of ancient liberties, were only instrumental to
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#17327880331094136-406: A larger goal, which was national liberation with Russian assistance. Nicolae Iorga views the Pandur leader as taking "one step forward" in the development of nationalist discourse, by introducing references to the general will . Nicolae Liu also notes that the "pragmatic" rebel "made no reference to natural rights , but tacitly included them as the basis of his revolutionary program"; this notion
4324-445: A larger raid, which also resulted in the devastation of Zossima and Chioru's houses). The revolutionary gazette Pruncul Român depicted Băleanu himself as a vandal, calling attention to his earlier artistic purge. The incident was also noted by the far-left radical Bălcescu, who insisted that government make its resolutions into permanent laws. According to Bălcescu, Băleanu was to be prevented from ever returning to Bucharest. By then
4512-418: A liberal faction sometimes labeled as " National Party ", and by 1834 produced designs on how to rewrite Regulamentul into a set of reformist policies. By then, Băleanu had also helped set up a Philharmonic Society, which promoted culture along with liberal ideas. As a member of the Assembly, Băleanu also reported on the status of Romani slaves. Mainly as a tactic for enlarging the state's fiscal revenues over
4700-468: A list of boyars and notabilities that he wanted executed. Names reportedly included Dionisie Lupu , Metropolitan of Wallachia . Meanwhile, Caimacam Văcărescu wrote to promise Vladimirescu 250,000 thaler as additional aid, but, according to Liprandi, also demanded that the Pandurs arrest and kill Samurcaș, the "enemy of [our] cause". The Pandurs had been joined by packs of Oltenian hajduks , including
4888-453: A loaf of bread, to signal prosperity. Upon reaching Dealul Mitropoliei , he requisitioned the home of Zoe Brâncoveanu , turning it into his temporary residence. He and his army were welcomed by Metropolitan Dionisie, who now expressed his "great joy". Those boyars still present in the city proclaimed Vladimirescu's movement to be "useful and redeeming for the people", recognizing him as governor and taking an oath to support him. By contrast,
5076-462: A longer period, he proposed that government purchase and manumit slaves owned by the boyars. In order to provide funds for this initial effort, he instituted a custom whereby the Romanies, whether slaves or not, were to be assimilated with tenant farmers, and subjected to a poll tax ; between 1833 and 1839, 185 slaves were emancipated using this system. The Băleanus were otherwise still committed to
5264-520: A metaphorical sense. There are two possible origins for farm . Some sources derive "farm" with its French version ferme , most notably used in the context of the Fermiers Generaux , from the mediaeval Latin firma , meaning "a fixed agreement, contract", ultimately from the classical Latin adjective firmus , firma , firmum , meaning "firm, strong, stout, steadfast, immoveable, sure, to be relied upon". The modern agricultural sense of
5452-495: A militia in 1718–1739, when Oltenia, or " Banat of Craiova ", was a Habsburg territory. At times, they had been self-sustaining, with a lifestyle that bordered on hajduk brigandage. The Phanariotes' hold on the country was put into question by turmoil during the Napoleonic era , which resulted in some additional rearmament. In 1802, the threat of an invasion by Ottoman secessionist Osman Pazvantoğlu pushed Bucharest into
5640-429: A minority opinion, and the mounting Russophobia of both upper- and middle-class nationalists. Iorga proposes that Vladimirescu tried his best to establish a "democratic companionship" of Wallachians, hoping to draw a wedge between Romanian and Greek boyars. Among the left-wing scholars, Andrei Oțetea argues that Vladimirescu slowly abandoned the peasant cause and fell into a "complete and humiliating subordination to
5828-427: A miscalculation of Băleanu's support by Russian diplomats and Church officials alike: Metropolitan Neofit II and consul Iakov Dashkov pressured him to withdraw the order, which Prince Ghica did on February 3. Băleanu remained the central figure of the opposition. In March 1841 he oversaw a ceremony for Kiselyov's retirement. Kiselyov was granted Wallachian citizenship on the occasion, prompting speculation that Băleanu
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6016-722: A mission to revive the national army and align it with Ypsilantis' movement. However, other records suggest that Vladimirescu acted independently of the regents. He was located in Bucharest in November 1820, and was in direct contact with the Eterist leadership through various channels. Within two months, he had reportedly sealed a pact with two of Ypsilantis' agents, Giorgakis Olympios and Yiannis Pharmakis , who were also officers in Soutzos' Arnaut guard, and had borrowed 20,000 thaler from another Eterist, Pavel Macedonski , "to provide for
6204-715: A modern factory in Tunari . During the election, Băleanu had been favored by the French consul Adolphe Billecocq, who deeply disliked the "Gypsy" Bibescu. In 1844 the Postelnic dealt with the issue of French counterfeiters in Wallachia, which, despite Billecocq's protests, were slated for extradition and execution in the Ottoman Empire. From January 1845, Băleanu was involved in the beautification of Bucharest, and sketched
6392-500: A new spot clear-cut from Vlăsiei Forest , between Târgoviște and Bucharest. He and his family were traditional slaveowners , bringing with them a large number of captive Romanies ; these were settled into a village that was originally named "Băleanu". Around 1816, the completion of a road drew in Romanians from the neighboring Bolintin-Spiridon , which became depopulated. The resulting rural agglomeration became Bolintin-Deal , which
6580-582: A new textile factory, which employed as many as 200 workers, opened in Dragomirești . He stood out among conservatives for opposing all attempt at implementing land reform , and also for resisting the projected reductions of boyar privilege. Băleanu also remained a slave-owner and, in May 1850, had a runaway Romani family returned to him by the authorities in Dolj County . The Regulamentul period ended during
6768-490: A panic. At its height, the mercenary Sava Fochianos and his Arnauts denounced their contract and left the city defenseless. This embarrassment prompted Ypsilantis to form a small national contingent, comprising armed burghers and Pandurs who were trained by Western standards. Although approved by the Ottomans, this new militia was secretly also a component of Ypsilantis' plan to shake off Ottoman suzerainty with help from
6956-429: A peasants' revolt which did not separate 'good' and 'bad' boyars, locals from foreigners. Nevertheless, in order to reach his goal, Tudor had no choice but to reach an agreement with the 'nationalist' boyars [...] as well as with Turkish power, [and] he resorted, at a later stage, to making his revolution into a fundamentally anti-Phanariote one." Another ideological difference was that between Vladimirescu's Russophilia ,
7144-619: A program, a structure, the original impulse, tactics for propaganda and combat, [and] the first means of achieving its goals". Oțetea also claims that Vladimirescu was indirectly influenced by the political vision of Rigas Feraios , though this verdict remains disputed. From the Eterist perspective, sending Vladimirescu to Oltenia was a cover-up for the Greek insurrection—a ruse that had been conceived by Olympios and merely approved by "Tudor Vladimirescu, his friend". Seen by some commentators, and probably by Ypsilantis himself, as an actual member of
7332-536: A project for building new roads between all Wallachian towns. In parallel, as members of the Extraordinary Administrative Council, Băleanu, Câmpineanu, Filipescu-Vulpache, Vilara and Costache Ghica ruled in favor of dissolving the underdeveloped Saac Country , whose territory was split between the more prosperous Prahova and Buzău . Also in 1844, the Assembly appointed him, together with Vilara and Alecu Filipescu-Vulpea , to oversee
7520-573: A renegade Pandur, Grigore Cârjaliul, and by murdering some of the prisoners held at Tismana. Pharmakis, who commanded over his own cohort of "400 Albanians ", also acted independently, shielding from persecutions the boyars Lăcusteanu. For his part, Vladimirescu protected Dinicu Golescu and his family, ordering his troops to release Iordache . The latter was then given a Pandur guard which escorted him to Transylvania. On February 23, Bucharest went through another regime change. Brâncoveanu secretly left Bucharest and crossed into Transylvania, settling in
7708-738: A report by the Ispravnic of Gorj County , in 1819 migrant farmhands could barely cover their tax debt. Under the Phanariote regime, the country had dissolved her levy army —though a core force had briefly reemerged under Nicholas Mavrogenes , who led a Wallachian peasant force into the Austro-Turkish War of 1788 . Especially visible in Oltenia , the Pandurs traced their origins to the late 17th century, and had also functioned as
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7896-644: A showdown between Vladimirescu's men and the Eteria, members of the latter called on Grigore to return and seize control of Wallachia. Later in 1821, the Ottoman Army invaded and restored the old regime; Nicolae Băleanu, who had "some part to play in the insurrection", fled with the Eterists and made his way to Hermannstadt . Both Băleanus signed their names to the letter demanding that the new Prince Grigore IV Ghica send them funds to ensure their safe return to Bucharest in 1822. Upon their return, Grigore Băleanu
8084-427: A translation of Condillac 's essays, and reportedly began writing a Romanian dictionary. In 1816, he sponsored Pete Efesiul's print shop—Wallachia's first publisher of sheet music . Emanoil was home-schooled in the city by the Greek tutor Kirkireu, who introduced him to the Phanariote court. A contemporary note by journalist and editor Zaharia Carcalechi suggests that Emanoil and Nicolae Băleanu were both educated in
8272-573: Is a non-heritable tax-farming system and was established under Sultan Mehmet II ; however this changed by the 18th century and holders of grants-for-life ( malikâne ) developed their own landowning class. It was officially terminated in 1856 during the Tanzimat reforms. Besides the Romans, historical examples include the tax collection methods of the Ptolemies , Seljuks , Mamluks , Ottomans ,
8460-602: Is alleged to have staged Soutzos' poisoning alongside members of the Filiki Eteria , after which he returned as Spatharios . Băleanu Sr is additionally cited as one of the boyars who reached out to the rebel leader, Tudor Vladimirescu , and invited him to act on their behalf. His son-in-law Năsturel-Herescu joined the Eteria, and was consequently a soldier in the Sacred Band . The revolt was soon uncontrollable, and intrinsically anti-boyar in scope. The mill of Mărcuța
8648-567: Is described by historians as the first major event of a national awakening. The revolutionary force was centered on a group of Pandur irregulars, whose leader was Tudor Vladimirescu . Its nucleus was the Wallachian subregion of Oltenia , where Vladimirescu established his "Assembly of the People" in February. From the beginning, Pandurs were joined by groups of Arnauts and by veterans of
8836-410: Is most commonly used in public finance , where governments (the lessors ) lease or assign the right to collect and retain the whole of the tax revenue to a private financier (the farmer), who is charged with paying fixed sums (sometimes called "rents", but with a different meaning from the common modern term) into the treasury . Farming in this sense has nothing to do with agriculture , other than in
9024-545: Is related to other Old English words such as feormehām ("farm"), feormere ("purveyor, grocer"), feormian ("to provision, sustain"), and feorh ("life, spirit"). The Old English word is stated by these sources as having unusually been borrowed by Medieval Latin as firma or ferma and to have provided the Old French ferme "farm", Occitan ferma "farm". This is refuted by those sources which state firma to derive from classical Latin firmus . The word continued
9212-406: Is related to the possibility of some debts forming the revenue stream being defaulted on or paid late, leading to variability in the revenue. The resulting figure becomes the maximum rent the tenant offers to the farm's lessor. The tenant's profit is the excess of revenues extracted from the farm, less the rents, administration, levying, and collection expenses. The tenant's skills lie in negotiating
9400-590: Is statistically probable that more than half of his army captaincies were held by third-class boyars. The native Oltenian core was supplemented by Romanian peasants migrating from the Principality of Transylvania , which was part of the Austrian Empire ; and from the Silistra Eyalet (Ottoman Dobruja ). There were also massive arrivals of other Balkan ethnicities. The cavalry in particular
9588-486: Is still informally divided into Berceni and Băleanu villages; both of them were populated by his tenant farmers , slaves and non-slaves alike. Catinca died in childbirth one year into their marriage, in what was seen by contemporaries as proof that Băleanu was under the "Târgoviște jinx". Despite his son's matrimonial arrangement with the Phanariotes, Grigore Băleanu was one of the more independently minded boyars, who
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#17327880331099776-572: The Ispravnici , acted in an increasingly predatory manner, and, in various cases, tortured peasants into paying more than their share. In the 1800s, a reformist Prince Constantine Ypsilantis sided with the peasants, cracking down on abuse and even threatening capital punishment ; this episode failed to address the causes, and abuses continued to be recorded into the 1810s. Under constant fiscal pressure, many villagers resorted to selling their labor to boyars or to peasant entrepreneurs. According to
9964-1797: The 1864 land reform , the Romanians and Romanies alike had purchased 80% of the land they had been assigned for work. Băleanu was also survived by his brother Nicolae (to 1868), by his sons Emanuel, who served in the Senate of Romania , and George; and by daughters Maria and Elena. His niece Zoe Hagi-Moscu (1819–1904) was the wife of politician Constantin N. Brăiloiu . Wallachian uprising of 1821 Ottoman military victory [REDACTED] Wallachia (revolutionary) [REDACTED] Greek revolutionaries [REDACTED] Ottoman Empire [REDACTED] Austrian Empire [REDACTED] Tudor Vladimirescu [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Diamandi Djuvara [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Tudor Ghencea [REDACTED] Iancu Jianu [REDACTED] Dimitrie Macedonski [REDACTED] Anastasie Mihaloglu [REDACTED] Ioan Oarcă [REDACTED] Hadži-Prodan [REDACTED] Ioan Solomon [REDACTED] Alexander Ypsilantis [REDACTED] Pendidekas [REDACTED] Vasileios Karavias [REDACTED] Giorgakis Olympios † [REDACTED] Yiannis Pharmakis [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Mahmud II [REDACTED] Dervish Mehmed Pasha [REDACTED] Kethüda Kara Ahmed [REDACTED] Mehmed Selim Pasha [REDACTED] Ioan Rogobete [REDACTED] Yusuf Berkofcali [REDACTED] Kara Feiz Ali [REDACTED] Hilmi Ibrahim Pasha [REDACTED] Nikifor Beluha [REDACTED] Gavril Istrati 1822–1824 Greek civil wars of 1824–1825 Egyptian intervention (1825–1826) Great powers intervention (1827–1829) The uprising of 1821
10152-471: The Caimacami had denied eligibility to some of the leading National-Party candidates, including Vasile Boerescu , Cezar Bolliac , and C. A. Rosetti . Such restrictions relied on different readings of the suffrage qualifications: while Manu and Băleanu argued that candidates needed to own landed estates, Vulpache offered a dissenting opinion, with no restrictions for burghers or industrialists; this created
10340-683: The Crimean War , which was a clash between the Principalities' Russian and Ottoman protectors. Știrbei left Wallachia, without abdicating, in October 1853 and his cabinet continued to function. In April 1854, Spatharios Năsturel-Herescu sought to integrate the Wallachian army into Halim Pasha 's Ottoman troops; on August 23, Omar Pasha instituted martial law , and on August 31 set up a new government, headed by Năsturel and Cantacuzino. By then, Austria had effectively occupied Wallachia, and
10528-639: The French State prior to Louis XVI (see ferme générale ), and Russia prior to 1862 and the Dutch East Indies (see pacht ) prior to the twentieth century. In many cases, such as the Abbasid practice of Iqta , these rights were granted by an authority, in this example the caliph, for services rendered or promised. In the Byzantine pronoia system, similar rights were often purchased from
10716-496: The Hundred of Normancross to the abbot and monks of Thorney to be held in fee-farm for an annual rent of 100 shillings which I order them to pay to my sheriff at Huntingdon. And I forbid any of my officers to do them injury or insult in respect of this. The Chief Rabbi of Egypt , Sar Shalom ben Moses was accused of tax farming, which led to his excommunication by Maimonides . The iltizam ( Ottoman Turkish : التزام )
10904-528: The Kingdom of France and the Austrian Empire —though, as historian Nestor Camariano concluded in 1946, it is impossible to know when and for how long Emanoil was actually abroad. Although one late record suggests that he was also raised in Germany , Greek remained his favorite language of expression even later in life. At some point in his youth (probably before 1818), Emanoil produced a chronicle of documenting
11092-620: The Ottoman Army . In June, Ypsilantis' force and its remaining Pandur allies were routed at Drăgășani . The uprising sparked a cycle of repressive terror, with a final episode in August, when Fochianos and his Arnauts were massacred in Bucharest. The uprising of 1821 is widely seen as a failed or incomplete social revolution, with more far-reaching political and cultural implications. The Ottoman government registered its anti-Phanariote message, appointing an assimilated boyar, Grigore IV Ghica , as Prince of Wallachia . The ascent of nationalist boyars
11280-735: The Ottoman Empire , and Greek immigration became more significant. Father Grigore was involved with the Phanariote administration of Bucharest and owned houses just west of Turnul Colței . He was first propelled to the high office of Spatharios and Logothete during the Russo-Turkish War of 1806–1812 , when he supported occupation by the Russian Empire , receiving the Order of Saint Anna . A patron of literature, he regularly donated from his collection of books, paid for
11468-471: The Postelnic was accused by Billecocq of having failed to pay homages to Louis Philippe I on the feast day of Saint Philip . A review of this incident, published by Adevĕrul in 1893, suggests that Băleanu was framed by Billecocq, who needed a diplomatic incident to conceal his own recall and disgrace. For a few days in September 1846, while Bibescu and Vilara inspected Oltenia, Băleanu was effectively
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#173278803310911656-592: The Regulamentul regime and its "bourgeois era", the Băleanus were the third most powerful clan of Wallachian boyars, ranking below the Filipescus and the Ghicas . In 1830, formally renouncing Ottoman clothing , Emanoil Băleanu was integrated within the restored and modernized Wallachian military forces . He was one of the last boyars to be granted automatic advancement based on high birth, and almost immediately received
11844-740: The Russian Empire . By August 1806, his alliance with Russia had been exposed, and he was forced to leave into exile. The incident also sparked a six-year-long Russo-Turkish War . During this period, the Wallachian Pandurs, including a young Tudor Vladimirescu , acted as a unit of the Imperial Russian Army . Under Russian occupation, the Greek–Wallachian rebel Nicolae Pangal issued several manifestos which, as noted by historian Emil Vârtosu , resembled later appeals by Vladimirescu. Hostilities were eventually suspended by
12032-641: The Serbian Revolution , having had direct contacts with Karađorđe , and The Public Ledger even speculated that he was himself a Serb. Affiliates of the Pandur revolt also included Naum Veqilharxhi , who published what may be the first manifesto of Albanian nationalism . In this setting, however, Vladimirescu "had no particular reason to hold the Phanariote [Ypsilantis] dear", and the ideals of Orthodox universalism, "subordinating [Romanian] aspirations", were viewed with generalized suspicion. As historians note, Vladimirescu "would have liked to rid
12220-488: The Serbian Revolution . Although infused with anti-Hellenism , they collaborated with, and were infiltrated by, agents of the Filiki Eteria . Vladimirescu also cooperated with the Sacred Band of Alexander Ypsilantis , thereby contributing to the larger war of Greek independence . In conjunction with Ypsilantis' troops coming in from Moldavia , Vladimirescu managed to occupy Bucharest in March. Vladimirescu agreed to split
12408-649: The Southern Carpathians . The meeting also gave the Pandurs a chance to observe Ypsilantis' army, which they found to be alarmingly small and under-prepared. While the partition was ongoing, news came of Russia having denounced Ypsilantis, singled out as an enemy of the Holy Alliance . As Liprandi reports, Vladimirescu privately asked Ypsilantis to complete his transit of Wallachia or withdraw to Moldavia. Ypsilantis hid this detail from his Wallachian contacts as he began taking pledges of support from
12596-514: The Treaty of Bucharest , hurried by Russia's need to defend herself against the French ; Ottoman rule in Wallachia and Moldavia was again consolidated with Russia focused on winning a war in Central Europe . The new Phanariote Prince was John Caradja , whose reign saw an upsurge in tax resistance and hajduk gang activity. In Bucharest, the epidemic known as Caragea's plague was an opportunity for marauding gangs of outlaws, who confused
12784-583: The election of 1831 he acquired a seat in the Ordinary National Assembly . The Prince nominated him and Constantin Bălăceanu to settle a long-running conflict between regular Wallachian Jews and their government-sanctioned leader, or Staroste . They failed to reach an understanding, simply reconfirming the Staroste to his position, where he remained for the next decade. Meanwhile, Băleanu, Ioan Câmpineanu , Grigore Cantacuzino and Iancu Ruset presided over
12972-430: The princely election , also serving as an elector; his father was also listed as "fit to be Prince", but died of coronary artery disease before the electors convened. Băleanu Jr took most votes (79) in the third section. However, he redirected these toward his "intimate friend" Bibescu, who emerged as the winner. On June 29, 1843, Băleanu entered the princely cabinet as State Secretary, or Postelnic . His office unified
13160-470: The " National Party ", which mounted the opposition to Alexandru II Ghica and uncovered constitutional irregularities. Băleanu was sent into internal exile in 1841, but reinstated following interventions by his friends in the Russian Empire and the Wallachian Church . He ran in the princely election of 1842 , but conceded defeat in favor of his friend Gheorghe Bibescu , who then made him his Postelnic (1843–1847). As such, Băleanu contributed directly to
13348-625: The "reins of government"; his army colleague Odobescu was the Minister of War. During his short interval in power, he dismantled and destroyed revolutionary symbols. These famously included a Statue of Liberty, possibly by Constantin Daniel Rosenthal , but also a composition depicting "free Romania". Băleanu also reinstated Bibescu's police force, including a Captain Costache Chioru, who reportedly shouted his intention to exercise
13536-613: The Arnaut garrison, supporting Fochianos, occupied the Metropolitan Church and Radu Vodă Monastery , defying the Pandurs and shooting at them as they approached. The standoff was ended after friendly negotiations between Fochianos and Vladimirescu, resulting in a ceasefire; Fochianos recognized Vladimirescu's executive and judicial authority over Wallachia. Meanwhile, the Sacred Band, under Ypsilantis, had also reached
13724-593: The Assembly, Prince Ghica ordered Băleanu into internal exile. Sources give his place of banishment as Varnița or Bolintin. According to notes left by Jean Alexandre Vaillant , his ouster was part of a general clampdown on subversive activities, along with the imprisonment of conspirators Mitică Filipescu and Andrey Deshov, and with Vaillant's own expulsion from Wallachia. By then, Băleanu's Fourierist friends were also targets of repression: Diamant's Scăieni Phalanstery had been forcefully closed, and his attempts to contact Băleanu were thwarted. This clampdown proved to be
13912-449: The Assembly, both Emanoil and Grigore supported the state religion and opposed attempts by the regime to infringe upon its liberties and privileges. From June of that year, Băleanu Jr, Câmpineanu, Ruset and Alecu "Căciulă-Mare" Ghica joined the Regulamentul revision committee. While researching the matter, they discovered that Russian officials had forged Regulamentul , tying to the original text an "additional article", which indicated that
14100-492: The Bucharest bourgeoisie stormed into the army barracks, forcing the government to resign. The 40,000-strong crowd, led into battle by Ion Brătianu and Hieromonk Ambrozie "Popa Tun", won Odobescu's troops over to its side, without bloodshed. Neofit, captured by the crowds, declared that the previous coup had been instigated by Băleanu and Iordache Zossima . This prompted the revolutionaries to vandalize Băleanu's home and lynch as many of his partisans as they could find (part of
14288-553: The Caradja regime, but still intervened on their behalf. As a result of 1814 riots, tax privileges for the Pandurs were suspended, and they were demoted to the position of a militia assisting the Ispravnici . In 1818, Caradja abandoned his throne and fled Wallachia, leaving Sultan Mahmud II to appoint an elderly loyalist, Alexandros Soutzos . His decision also specified that only four Phanariote families would be eligible for
14476-429: The Divan , and were widely suspected of intending to manipulate results. Threats were posted on their townhouse gates, describing them as the "bandit brothers" and hinting at popular revenge. An incendiary device was reportedly thrown into Manu's home. In December, after the breakdown of negotiations between foreign diplomats, the issue of electoral fraud became an international scandal. Revelations had also emerged that
14664-472: The Divan's hall and were heckled and threatened as they returned to their homes. He also suggests that Băleanu begged the crowd for forgiveness, but was merely derided. On January 23, a crowd comprising "thousands of people", grouped under N. T. Orășanu , marched on the Caimacam ' s home: "it appears that E. Băleanu fainted for fear that a revolution had started". A day later, the Divan elected Cuza, who
14852-751: The Divan. Most boyars refused to trust in Vladimirescu's assurances, and fled Bucharest for safety in Transylvania or the countryside, although Olympios and Pharmakis tried to intercept them at Cotroceni and Ciorogârla . A new regency took over, with Metropolitan Dionisie at its helm; ministers included Alecu Filipescu-Vulpea , Fotachi Știrbei, and Grigore Băleanu. The main Pandur force took possession of Bolintin on March 16, sending out patrols to take Cotroceni and Colentina . At Bolintin, Vladimirescu issued his appeal to Bucharesters, informing them that they had nothing to fear once they took up his cause,
15040-555: The Eteria, Vladimirescu endorsed the conspiracy in the belief that it had Russian support. However, in early 1821 the Congress of Laibach condemned the Greek revolution, imposing on Emperor Alexander I that he withdraw all endorsement for Ypsilantis' movement. Ypsilantis prolonged his other alliance, with Vladimirescu, only by playing upon words, not revealing to him that Russia's support remained uncertain. Vladimirescu made his first Oltenian stop at Ocnele Mari , then moved in on
15228-420: The Eterists also invited Soutzos to join the conspiracy, but he refused. He died suddenly on January 19, 1821, prompting speculation that he had been poisoned by Ypsilantis' partisans. In Wallachia, Ypsilantis' cause had significant allies: the country's three main regents (or Caimacami )—Brâncoveanu, Grigore Ghica , Barbu Văcărescu —were all secretly members of the Eteria. They contacted Vladimirescu with
15416-535: The Gorj capital, Târgu Jiu , where he stayed at the house of a tax farmer, Vasile Moangă (or Mongescu). His first action as a rebel was to arrest or take hostage the local Ispavnic , Dinicu Otetelișanu, on January 21. On January 22, he and his Arnaut guard captured Tismana Monastery , turning it into a rallying point and prison. A day later, at Padeș , Vladimirescu issued a proclamation mixing social and patriotic slogans. It marked his ideological dissidence, proclaiming
15604-562: The Greeks without even being aware that [Ypsilantis], the Greek revolutionary, had risen against the Sultan in Russia." In contrast, Dăscălescu proposes that the rebellion was originally anti-Turkish and pro-Greek, but that Vladimirescu had no way of winning over Oltenians with that message. Moreover, Oțetea writes that the Pandur movement cannot be separated from the Eteria, who gave it "a chief,
15792-583: The Interior, within a cabinet of "relatives and intimate friends". He also returned as chairman of the Assembly, and, by 1851, was serving on a committee which liquidated Wallachia's debt toward Austria. Nevertheless, for several years after the Revolution's defeat, Băleanu failed to impose himself in political life: the newspaper Vestitorul Românesc dismissed him as "entirely unremarkable". He had by then returned to his activities as an industrialist, with
15980-650: The Ottoman presence was symbolic. In that context, Nicolae Băleanu was involved in state-sponsored abolitionism, serving on a financial committee that also included Ioan Manu , and later as Chairman of the Wallachian Treasury. Știrbei returned as an Austrian protégé on September 23, creating himself a new cabinet, with Nicolae Băleanu serving as State Secretary. After originally resigning in protest against Știrbei's appointment, Emanoil returned as Interior Minister. As reported by Constituționalul newspaper, he
16168-476: The Ottoman side. Instead of preparing his submission to Ypsilantis, he then began his march on Mehedinți County , passing through Broșteni , Cerneți , and Strehaia . By January 29, boyars and merchants evacuated Mehedinți; this movement was mirrored by a similar exodus from Craiova , the Oltenian capital. Boyars who stayed behind surrendered to Vladimirescu and took an oath of allegiance, becoming known to
16356-490: The Ottomans, who ultimately invaded Wallachia in late April. The Pandurs withdrew toward Oltenia, which put them at odds with the Sacred Band. Vladimirescu's brutality alienated his own troops; in turn, this rift allowed the Greek revolutionaries to arrest and execute Vladimirescu, unopposed. The Oltenians scattered, though some Pandurs formed pockets of resistance, led by captains such as Dimitrie Macedonski and Ioan Solomon . They suffered clear defeat in their confrontation with
16544-577: The Pandurs as făgăduiți ("pledged ones"). Members of this category, though they enjoyed Vladimirescu's personal protection, signed secret letters of protest to the Sultan, calling for his intervention against the "brigands". In February, after Vladimirescu had conquered the town of Motru , boyars still present in Craiova petitioned the Ottomans and Russians for help. Consul Pini approved their request to use force against Vladimirescu, but refused to commit Russian troops for that purpose. Reassured by Pini,
16732-843: The Phanariotes fulfilled through tax farming . "Excessive fiscal policies, dictated by both the Ottoman demands and the short span of reigns" meant that Phanariotes treated the principalities as "an actual tenancy." The national budget for 1819 was 5.9 million thaler , of which at least 2 million were taken by the Sublime Porte , 1.3 million went to the ruling family, and 2.4 supplied the bureaucracy. Although not at their highest historical level, Ottoman pressures had been steadily increasing since ca. 1800. Tax payers were additionally constrained by those boyars who obtained tax privileges or exemptions for themselves and their families. In 1819, from 194,000 families subject to taxation, 76,000 had been wholly or partly exempted. Tax farmers, in particular
16920-624: The Roman model were used in Ptolemaic Egypt , various medieval Western European countries, the Ottoman and Mughal empires, and in Qing dynasty China. As states become stronger, buoyed up by revenues brought in by tax farming, the practice was discontinued in favour of centralized tax collection systems. In part this was because tax farming systems tended to rely on wealthy individuals outside
17108-822: The Sacred Band crossed the Milcov into Wallachia, with Ypsilantis reassuring locals that he would maintain good governance in the places he occupied and would not tolerate any violence against them. Reportedly, Vladimirescu sent him letters asking him to withdraw, but these reached Ypsilantis when he was already in Ploiești . While camped there, the Sacred Band organized a military government, comprising Greeks and Wallachian Eterists. Going against Ypsilantis' earlier promises, it staged raids on civilians and multiple confiscations of property. As Cioranu notes, "Romanians never even wanted to hear [Ypsilantis' proclamations], let alone fight under his banner." The unexpected double invasion alarmed
17296-402: The Sacred Band. In the process, they "looted churches, houses, villages, boyars, merchants and everything they could lay hands on, leaving Christians naked [...] and raping wives and girls in front of their husbands and fathers." The same Cioranu notes that the Sacred Band, though only numbering 7,000 men officially, could count then on support from at least 20,000 Greeks and allies. Vladimirescu
17484-527: The Special Committee for Reform, created by the Russians in order to confirm the constitutional principles that were to govern Wallachia and Moldavia. The committee, presided upon by Barbu Dimitrie Știrbei , also included Iordache Filipescu , Alexandru Vilara , and Ștefan Bălăceanu; it mounted resistance to Russian proposals for tax reforms, especially in opposing the notion that boyars could pay
17672-590: The already famous Iancu Jianu , and by a small selection of young boyars, including Ioan Urdăreanu and a group of scribes: Petrache Poenaru , Ioniță Dârzeanu, and Dumitrache Protopopescu. It remains uncertain whether Gheorghe Magheru , a scion of the boyar clan in Albeni , was also a volunteer Pandur in 1821. Vladimirescu still persecuted exponents of the old regime, having tax farmer Pau Nicolicescu put to death at Strehaia. Nevertheless, he allowed other known exploiters, including Ghiță Cuțui, to join his rebel army. It
17860-404: The anti-looting policy alienated some of the troops, with as many as 400 men leaving Vladimirescu's camp as a result. Tax farming Farming or tax-farming is a technique of financial management in which the management of a variable revenue stream is assigned by legal contract to a third party and the holder of the revenue stream receives fixed periodic rents from the contractor. It
18048-474: The area, and remained camped outside the city. The two armies "observed each other, without merging into one another; the fundamental contradiction of [their] alliance was becoming more and more apparent". The Eterists pressed on to be allowed entry into Bucharest, but Vladimirescu only offered them a deserted Ghica family manor in Colentina, outside city limits. Ypsilantis and his staff were allowed to visit
18236-462: The attributes of a civil registrar , censor, and Foreign Minister. In this capacity, Băleanu countersigned orders to expand and modernize the port of Brăila (August 1843) and protect insolvent farmers (June 1845), as well as publishing a firman confirming free trade between Wallachia and the Ottoman Empire (October 1843). His brother had by then established himself as one of Wallachia's leading textile manufacturers, using Austrian know-how to set up
18424-433: The authorities by dressing up as undertakers. Rebellious activity peaked in Oltenia, where hajduks were organized by Iancu Jianu , a boyar's son, who frustrated all of Caradja's attempts at restoring order. However, the Pandurs were divided. In 1814, some joined a raid by pirates from Ada Kaleh , storming through Mehedinți County and Gorj, though they later sought forgiveness from Vladimirescu. The latter had sided with
18612-478: The beginning of the 18th-century, Wallachia and Moldavia (the Danubian Principalities ) had been placed by the Sublime Porte under a regime of indirect rule through Phanariotes . This cluster of Greek and Hellenized families, and the associated Greek diaspora , were conspicuously present at all levels of government. At a more generalized level, the Phanariote era emphasized tensions between
18800-465: The border city of Corona (Brașov) . His departure created another panic, stoked by the Arnauts. Olympios and Pharmakis returned to the capital and took control of its garrison, also raiding Târgoviște, Găești , and Băicoi . The Sultan selected a new Prince, Scarlat Callimachi , who refused to abandon Ottoman safety for his throne. Instead, Callimachi appointed a new triumvirate of Caimacami , presided upon by Stefan Bogoridi . This interval also marked
18988-407: The boyars, Phanariote or not, and the peasant class. Though released from serfdom, Wallachian peasants were still required to provide for the boyars in corvées and tithes . Over the early 19th century, the rural economy was often paralyzed by peasant strikes, tax resistance, sabotage, or litigation. Additional pressures were created by Ottoman demands for the haraç and other fiscal duties, which
19176-522: The boyars, Vladimirescu also reassured Văcărescu that he did not "wish any harm to this Coterie", and "even more so I want to complete and strengthen its privileges." Văcărescu was immediately replaced with Constantin Samurcaș, who was an Eterist agent, and favored bribing the Pandurs into submission. He offered Vladimirescu a pardon and a large tribute collected from the citizens of Craiova, allegedly sending Hadži-Prodan to Țânțăreni, with 90,000 thaler as
19364-489: The boyars, and his crushing of peasant radicalism during his seizure in power. It is also probable that Vladimirescu intended to have himself recognized as Prince, as evidenced by his wearing a white kalpak , traditionally reserved for royalty. His subordinates often referred to him as Domnul Tudor , which also indicated monarchic ambitions (see Domnitor ) . The Italian press of his day viewed him as Wallachia's Duce . Another fluctuating trait of Vladimirescu's revolt
19552-584: The boyars." The rebels' anti-boyar discourse was mitigated by other factors. One was the issue of their leader's own social standing: though originating from a clan of Oltenian peasants, Vladimirescu had been accepted into the third-class boyardom, with the rank of Sluger . Cultural historian Răzvan Theodorescu argues that he, the rebel leader, actually belonged to a "rural bourgeoisie" which kept genealogies and had an "unexpected" taste for heraldry. Other scholars also make note of Vladimirescu's elitist tastes and habits, his refusal to sanction retribution against
19740-436: The cause "of Christendom". He disavowed the exiled boyars, accusing them of having made common cause with the Phanariotes. A second proclamation on March 20 was a call to national unity, "for we are all parts of the same people". It showed his belief in class collaboration , but also, again, his ambition to stand as a national leader, governing for the benefit of the dispossessed. The Pandurs slowly approached Bucharest from
19928-461: The charity known as Așezămintele Brâncovenești . This had been set up for Bibescu's estranged wife Zoe Brâncoveanu , whom the prince had declared insane, and who was Băleanu's cousin. On April 19, 1845, Băleanu married his third and last wife—Elena (or Sultana), daughter of his colleague Constantin Bălăceanu. In May of the following year, Bibescu took him to Ruschuk , where they paid homage to their sovereign, Sultan Abdulmejid I . Also that month,
20116-429: The city of Chicago needed money and a deal was made to sell all 36,000 of the parking meter spots in the city for 75 years for 1.15 billion dollars to a firm called Chicago Parking Meters . Tax farming is not synonymous with modern privatized tax collection , where private individuals or companies collect taxes and pass them to the state in return for a commission or fee, without bearing any risk consequent of default by
20304-544: The city, but found themselves ridiculed by anti-Greek locals, who called theirs an army of "pie-makers". On March 25, Ypsilantis and Vladimirescu had their first meeting. Though they immediately disliked each other, they agreed to a partition of Wallachia: Vladimirescu held on to Oltenia, Bucharest, and southern Muntenia (comprising the Wallachian Plain ), while the Sacred Band moved into the Muntenian stretch of
20492-535: The closure of the Assembly in December, the monarch made disgruntled allusions to Băleanu and Câmpineanu, claiming that both had lied in petitions they sent to foreign governments. However, in 1840, he appointed Băleanu as one of the efori (caretakers) of Wallachia's schools, alongside Apostol Arsache , Ion Heliade Rădulescu , and "Căciulă-Mare"; he was also assigned to the appellate commercial court. On January 29, 1841, after noting his "disrespectful statements" in
20680-470: The coming revolt." Nevertheless, according to historian Vasile Maciu, the convention between Vladimirescu and his Eterist colleagues survives only in an unreliable translation, which may be entirely fabricated. The Russian Consul in Wallachia, Alexander Pini, is viewed as a neutral player by scholar Barbara Jelavich , but he too may have been involved on the Eterist side. This was attested by Pini's Moldavian secretary, Ștefan Scarlat Dăscălescu, who attributes
20868-716: The conservative groups: backed by radicalized crowds numbering in the thousands, the National Party was able to pass resolutions in favor of union. A rallying speech by Boerescu united unionist conservatives and radicals around Alexandru Ioan Cuza , who had already carried the Moldavian election , and against conservative separatists such as Băleanu. During this process, the other deputies stripped Băleanu, Manu, Ioan Hagiadi and Mihalache Pleșoianu of their voting rights—along with Alexandru Ghica and Radu C. Golescu , who opted to step down voluntarily. As reported by Alexandru G. Golescu , "that swine Manu" and "that idiot Băleanu" had to leave
21056-472: The country of both the Greeks and the Turks", viewing the former with "strong aversion", as the "agents of Turkish oppression in his country." Ottomanist Kemal Karpat suggests that: "[In] Turkish sources [...] Vladimirescu's revolt is interpreted as a local uprising aimed chiefly at the protection of the local population against Greek exploitation"; a "long accepted version was that Vladimirescu rebelled against
21244-503: The country with Ypsilantis, preserving control over Oltenia, Bucharest, and the southern half of Muntenia . The Pandurs' relationship with the Sacred Band degenerated rapidly, upon revelations that the Russian Empire had not validated Ypsilantis' expedition, and also over Vladimirescu's attempts to quell Eterist violence. Many of the Arnauts openly or covertly supported Ypsilantis, while others endorsed an independent warlord, Sava Fochianos . Vladimirescu secretly negotiated an entente with
21432-419: The country's employed officials, from Ministers and down to the lower magistrates" (aȣ ckimБaтȣ тoтȣ пeȣрconaлȣл amплoĭaцiлoр цepeĭ, de лa Minicтpiĭ пъnъ лa cȣБokъpmȣiтopĭ). Băleanu and Manu clashed with the more liberal Vulpache as early as October 29, when they promoted their political friend Slătineanu as Minister of Education. The two conservative Caimacami were in a position to control the new elections for
21620-404: The crown. Though such arrangements in some respects seem similar to the feudal system, there are significant disparities, including continuance of state power and, at least in the case of pronoia , theoretical time limits on the grant. In many cases, including those mentioned, tax rights were not transferable or divisible, unlike feudal fiefdoms. Sometimes, as in the case of Miguel de Cervantes ,
21808-512: The crowns of either Wallachia and Moldavia: Callimachi , Mourouzis , and two lines of the Soutzos . Upon entering Bucharest, the new Prince inaugurated a regime of institutional abuse. In April 1819, the attempt to put pressure on the peasantry sparked a riot at Islaz . In one especially controversial writ of 1820, Soutzos ruled that the city of Târgoviște was not mortmain , and proclaimed it his family's property. This edict resulted sparked
21996-462: The deposed Caimacam had again fled to Corona, joining a conservative faction in exile. It also included Slătineanu, Scarlat Ghica , and Nicolae Suțu . In September 1848, the Ottomans invaded and occupied Wallachia, which was again placed under a conservative regime. With Constantin Cantacuzino as Wallachia's new Caimacam , Băleanu, Filipescu-Vulpea and Poenaru returned as efori , and staged
22184-657: The efficiency of tax collection within Rome itself but the system quickly spread to the Provinces . Within the Roman Empire, these private individuals and groups which collected taxes in lieu of the bid (i.e. rent) they had paid to the state were known as publicani , of whom the best known is the disciple of Jesus Matthew the Apostle , a publicanus in the village of Capernaum in the province of Galilee . The system
22372-537: The establishment of the United Principalities , which put an end to his political career. His only literary work was a manuscript chronicle, which was later exposed as plagiarized. The Băleanus, whose history is linked to an eponymous estate in Dâmbovița County , belonged to Wallachia's older lineage of boyar nobility , and claimed kinship with the ancient House of Basarab . The family patriarch
22560-480: The excitement, and not to degrade the celebration of this day". However, "as the Caimacami Mano and Baleano left the meeting hall and approached their carriages, a voice, echoed by many other voices, followed them: 'Down with Mano, down with Baleano.' One would have to reach back deep into history to find another man as detested as these two presently are." The elections produced unintended results for all of
22748-406: The goods to create a second profit source. Such abuses stifle economic growth by restricting the ability of the tradesman to reinvest in his business, limiting the quantity of taxes generated over the long-term. In Bangladesh and India tolls on bridges and roads and dues from public properties such as lakes and forests are often leased to private persons or firms. After the 2008 financial crisis,
22936-403: The highest authority in Wallachia. On July 4, Nicolae also resigned, in favor of his brother's enemy, Alexandru II Ghica —who began his second reign, this time as Caimacam . Ghica turned increasingly liberal, and was regarded by his Austrian supervisors as "almost child-like"; the Băleanus, meanwhile, endured as conservative leaders. That year, poet Dimitrie Bolintineanu characterized Emanoil as
23124-488: The history of Roman Dacia and the Early Middle Ages . The manuscript was much later exposed as plagiarized version of a similar work by Theodoros Photeinos (Teodor Fotino), which in turn may have copied a since-lost book by Dionisie Fotino . As noted by Camariano, "nothing [else] remains, whether published or in manuscript" from Băleanu the writer. Historian Radu Crutzescu proposes that Emanoil's political rise
23312-606: The ideological influence of Josephinism , noting that it came to Vladimirescu through his contacts with educator Gheorghe Lazăr ; other reports suggest that Vladimirescu was informed about the ideology of the Transylvanian School , having read Petru Maior . During the actual events of the uprising, Western sources began drawing parallels between Vladimirescu and historical peasant rebels, in particular Wat Tyler and Horea . Various authors propose that Vladimirescu and his men were not only nationalists, but also had
23500-540: The income stream itself. In 1999 the National Board of Revenue in Bangladesh (NBR) negotiated with cigarette producing firms a minimum amount of value added tax (VAT) that should be paid per month even though VAT is an ad valorem tax, that is to say of variable yield. The NBR took this step because under the self-clearance system monitoring of production and sales of cigarettes proved to be difficult. It
23688-495: The leader of the country, and ad interim Minister of Justice. On February 11, 1847, Bibescu and Băleanu urged the Assembly to debate on the issue of slavery. The result of this deliberation was a partial abolition , namely the release of all Romanies held captive by the Wallachian Church. Băleanu helped Bibescu to dissolve the Assembly on March 11, 1847. Fifteen days later, he was involved in disaster relief following
23876-600: The legislation could not be modified by the Wallachians alone. Although the article remained in place and was recognized as valid by the Ottomans, the scandal was helped to consolidate Romanian nationalism and anti-Russian sentiment throughout Wallachia. Travel notes left by the Frenchman Stanislas Bellanger suggest that the former Hatman attended subversive meetings with Xavier Vilacrosse and other expatriates, where they discussed founding
24064-541: The modernization of Wallachia, and also to the early stages of abolitionism —though he himself remained a slaveowner to 1855. Băleanu joined the conservative camp during the Wallachian Revolution of 1848 . For a few days in June–July of that year, he proclaimed himself Caimacam , heading a reactionary administration alongside Metropolitan Neofit II . Before being deposed and driven out of Wallachia, he gave
24252-591: The national reserve, which implied tapping into the farmers' tax revenue. As noted by the Erdélyi Híradó correspondent, "Prince Ghika was very incensed at this, and could hardly be restrained from taking further steps against Baliano." During its final months, the Ghica regime still relied on support from the elder Băleanu, who served as Vornic in June 1842. Following Ghica's ouster, Băleanu Jr presented himself for
24440-554: The nationalist and liberal groups: by 1845, both had subscribed to Nicolae Bălcescu 's literary review, Magasin Istoric pentru Dacia . Within three years, the two camps had come to oppose each other openly. Early June 1848 witnessed the eruption of a Wallachia's liberal Revolution , which first limited Bibescu's authoritarian rule, then deposed him. As reported in Nemzeti newspaper, the "large crowds" gathered, which threatened to have
24628-525: The offer, and, instigated by the Macedonskis, prepared a Pandur conquest of Wallachia. He then addressed the Caimacami a five-point ultimatum, which called for the removal of Phanariotes, the reestablishment of a levy army, tax relief, as well as 500,000 thaler for Vladimirescu's expenses. A document formulated as Cererile norodului românesc ("Demands of the Romanian People") also specified
24816-422: The order to destroy revolutionary symbols, including the "Statue of Liberty". Returning with the Ottoman Army , he was again promoted under Prince Barbu Dimitrie Știrbei , and especially during the late stages of the Crimean War , which removed Russian tutelage. His focus fell on obtaining a close alliance between Wallachia and the Austrian Empire . Băleanu's second, internationally recognized, term as Caimacam
25004-418: The past would have understood them well, whether done mentally or by making marks in the sand. To determine the maximum rent they are willing to pay, the tenant estimates the long-term average yearly gross value of the revenue stream, based on past records and accounts, adjusting for any new circumstances affecting the future. They then deduct a risk element and a discount for the time value of money. The risk
25192-549: The poor hygiene at Filantropia Hospital . Both were "arrested inside the hospital" and only released following its complete sanitation. According to Lăcusteanu, they relied on take-out food and slept at a local pub. While his father was a sponsor of the conservative poet Grigore Alexandrescu , Băleanu Jr was sympathetic to Wallachian liberalism , and welcomed in his home Teodor Diamant , who actively campaigned in favor of Fourierism . He consolidated his standing in 1831, taking over as Wallachia's Great Hatman ; simultaneously, in
25380-522: The preservation of traditional institutions, including slavery. The family owned eight villages (four of which were in Dâmbovița), which in 1833 fetched them a total of 53,300 thaler in rents. In January 1837, Grigore sold off a family of Romanies to a Stavrache Iacov. In 1832, Băleanu married Alina Bagration, daughter of a Russian officer and Bagratid descendant. She had a public affair with Kiselyov, and went with him to Russia in 1834. Băleanu consented to
25568-468: The princely guards "stoned to death" and carried a "blue-and-white flag", also chanted messages specifically against Băleanu. As Bibescu agreed to abdicate, his courtiers also lost executive positions—Băleanu's position as Minister of Justice went to the rebel-rouser Ștefan Golescu . The boyars assembled separately and elected Băleanu as Caimacam , or co-regent, alongside Neofit and Ban Teodor Văcărescu-Furtună; they were deposed after attempting to reverse
25756-470: The rank of Polkovnik (Colonel). He was first assigned command over the 1st Infantry Regiment at Craiova , serving under Russian commanders. His own subordinates included two future conservative polemicists, Grigore Lăcusteanu and Dimitrie Papazoglu . Băleanu was stationed in Bucharest in 1831, when Wallachia was hit by the second cholera pandemic . As reported by Lăcusteanu, Russian overseer Pavel Kiselyov held Băleanu and Ioan Odobescu responsible for
25944-567: The rebel leader asked for a unification of boyar parties around his revolutionary goal, which included solving the peasant issue, and ordered them to disband the Arnaut corps. Meanwhile, the peasantry responded to the proclamation of Padeș by organizing into a string a small uprisings. Some happened in Pandur strongholds, as during Dumitru Gârbea's raid on Baia de Aramă , while others took root in more distant villages, such as Bârca and Radovanu . A Captain Ivanciu took control of Pitești and raided
26132-440: The rebellion was not xenophobic, but protectionist: Vladimirescu favored the "uplift of the native people", but also addressed his to proclamation to a larger "human kin". His white-and-blue banner had both familiar symbols of Christian tradition, which "drenched [the message] in the theological coloring of religious faith", and verse which described the "Romanian Nation". In a Balkans context, Vladimirescu felt most sympathy toward
26320-656: The recruitment of Greeks from Germany , and the presence of former officers from the Grande Armée . Tensions between these figures and their Oltenian commander were visible in February, when Vladimirescu put a stop to Prodan and Macedonski's sacking of the Otetelișanu manor in Benești . According to Liprandi, Olympios was always a liability in Vladimirescu's camp, manipulating both him and Ypsilantis for material gain. Olympios also tested Vladimirescu by rescuing and protecting
26508-575: The regents began amassing an Arnaut resistance to the rebellion, with individual units led by Dumitrachi Bibescu, Serdar Diamandi Djuvara , Deli-bașa Mihali, Pharmakis, Hadži-Prodan , and Ioan Solomon . Though there were violent clashes between the two sides at Motru, many of the loyalist troops voluntarily surrendered to the Pandurs, after parleying with Pandur agent Dimitrie Macedonski . Faced with such insuburdionation, Caimacam Brâncoveanu reportedly maintained his calm and demanded to know Vladimirescu's grievances. Through his Macedonski associates,
26696-503: The regime. A boyars' delegation, led by Vornic Nicolae Văcărescu, traveled to Vladimirescu's camp on February 11. It asked of the Pandurs that they refrain from marching on Bucharest, and appealed to their patriotic sentiments. To this, Vladimirescu replied that his conception of the motherland was fundamentally different: "the people, and not the Coterie of plunderers" (or "robber class"). Though he thus restated his generic dislike for
26884-539: The return to Bucharest of Sava Fochianos , whom Callimachi had created a Binbashi of his own Arnaut garrison. In parallel, the Eterist uprising began with a revolt of the Moldavian military forces in Galați and a pogrom of the local Turks , both staged by Vasileios Karavias . Organized militarily as a " Sacred Band ", the Eterists occupied Moldavia in the last week of February, and issued manifestos calling on all Ottoman Christians to join them. A military government
27072-471: The revolt initiative to "the leaders of the Greek revolution and Mr. Pini", and dismisses Vladimirescu as a "Russian creature". However, a letter from Tudor to Pini refutes any conscious cooperation between the two men. According to information gathered by the Russian spy Ivan Liprandi , Vladimirescu was also promised full adherence by the leading 77 boyars of the country, their pledge eventually issued as
27260-446: The revolutionary trend. Later that month, generalized panic was created by rumors of a Russian incursion in Wallachia, and the revolutionary administration abandoned Bucharest for the more secluded town of Rucăr . On June 29, Neofit seized the opportunity and established another conservative government. Băleanu became Caimacam , alongside Filipescu-Vulpache and Văcărescu-Furtună. According to Lăcusteanu, in public perception Băleanu held
27448-399: The right of peasants to " meet evil with evil ". Written in a "vigorously biblical style", it called into existence an "Assembly of the People", which was to "hit the snake on the head with a cane", ensuring that "good things come about". In a parallel letter to the Sultan, Vladimirescu also insisted that his was an anti-boyar, rather than anti-Ottoman, uprising. The response was positive on
27636-410: The right to employ 30 foreign laborers. This included ownership of the textile mill at Mărcuța Church , which Băleanu immediately leased to a Russian immigrant. Emanoil Băleanu first reached high office in 1819, when he served as Wallachia's junior Minister of Internal Affairs, or Vornic ; he was the country's highest Logothete in 1821. Around 1800, he had begun constructing a manor for himself, at
27824-579: The same senses of "rent, farmed office, source of revenue, feast". The meaning "rent, fixed payment", which was already present in the Old English word, was further strengthened due to the word's resemblance to the unrelated (so say these sources) Latin firmus ("firm, solid"), and firmitas ("security, firmness"). The tenant of a farm can only make a profit after carefully assessing its value. While modern financial management theory employs scientific formulae for such calculations, astute financiers of
28012-543: The state machinery, gangs , and secret societies . The key flaw in the tax farming system is the tension between the state, which seeks a long-term source of taxation revenue, and the tax farmers, who seek to make a profit on their investment in as short a time as possible. As a result, tax-farmers often abuse the taxpayers in various ways, tending them to switch their economic activity from strategic long-term projects to short-term revenue generation. In barter systems, tax farmers commonly undervalue taxes in kind , reselling
28200-449: The surrounding villages. In other areas, there were highway robberies organized by Romanian peasants or slaves of Romani origin. Such incidents happened in Slănic , Urziceni , or at Nucet Monastery . On February 4, the Pandurs were again camped in Gorj, at Țânțăreni . Here, Vladimirescu's army grew massively, to about 4,000 infantrymen and 500 horsemen. The Macedonskis recount that he
28388-415: The tax farmer was a government employee, paid a salary, and all money collected went to the government. Tax farming was an important step in the history of economic development by providing a method for collecting taxes across a large area without the need for a tax-collecting bureaucracy , or during periods when such a bureaucracy is unworkable or impossible to maintain. Systems of tax farming similar to
28576-792: The taxpayer. Tax farming is speculative , meaning that the tenant of the farm bears the full risk of defaulted debts. In addition, a tenant is often required as a term of the lease to make an early rent payment, which must be financed from his own resources until the revenue stream subject to the farm has started to be collected. In the United Kingdom , some tax collection of "lower value debts" by HMRC has been outsourced to debt collection agencies from July 2010. However, debt collection agencies, like invoice factors, are not truly farmers of revenue streams, as they do not bear any risk of default. Rather they make loans in expectation of future receipts, such loans being always recoverable and secured on
28764-436: The townsfolk pledged their material support. The hostile narrator of Istoria jăfuitorilor also claims that Vladimirescu was expected in Bucharest by a fifth column , comprising "vagabonds, foreigners, Serbian, Arnaut or Bulgarian thieves, and all those Bucharest panhandlers that we mockingly call crai [kings]". The breakdown of Phanariote power accelerated crossovers by the Arnauts, who were no longer receiving salaries from
28952-488: The treasury. Vladimirescu himself separated between loyal and disloyal Arnauts. At Slatina , he had established a 40-men Serb "killing guard", possibly led by Chiriac Popescu. Its first mission was to assassinate Arnaut leaders who had engaged in looting. On March 10, the rebels crossed the Olt River , marched through Șerbănești and Ciolănești , then settled camp at Vadu-Lat . Ostensibly to "unite with Vladimirescu",
29140-626: The various Pandur captains. He also hid from them that the Sacred Band had been anathemized by the Orthodox Patriarch , Gregory V . On March 15, Pharmakis and his troops, quartered in Lipscani , central Bucharest, broke with the Pandurs. A ceremony organized by actor Costache Aristia consecrated their own army symbols, which echoed Byzantine flags and insignia . As noted by Cioranu, "just about most foreigners who were under Tudor's banners" abandoned their posts in Oltenia and joined
29328-522: The west. According to one oral tradition, Vladimirescu set up another camp in Cotroceni, his tent planted in the exact spot where physician Carol Davila was later buried. On March 21, the rebel army finally marched into the Wallachian capital. The rebel column, followed by a mass of city-dwellers, walked through the borough later known as Rahova . The procession was led on by an ensign with Vladimirescu's banner of white and blue; Vladimirescu himself held
29516-607: The wife of Dimitri Caragea, a relative of Prince John Caradja . Zoe's last husband was entrepreneur Ștefan Hagi-Moscu. Zoe and Emanoil had a brother, Nicolae, as well as two other sisters: Elena, married to Constantin Năsturel-Herescu ; and Luxița, whose husband was writer Nicolae Văcărescu. Emanoil's childhood and youth coincided with the closing stages of the Phanariote era, during which Wallachia and Moldavia (the " Danubian Principalities ") were more closely integrated with
29704-469: The word farm comes from Middle English ferme ("farm, rent, revenue; revenue collected from a farmer; factor, stewardship, meal, feast"), from Old English feorm, farm ("provision, stores of food, supplies, possessions; provisions supplied to the king or a lord by a tenant or vassal; rent, feast, benefit, assylum"), from Proto-Germanic * firmō, *firχumō ("means of living, subsistence"), from Proto-Indo-European * perk u- ("life, strength, force"). It
29892-399: The word stems from the same origin, in that a medieval land-"holder" (none "owned" land but the king himself under his allodial title) under feudal land tenure might let it (i.e. lease it out) under a contract as a going concern (not as a sub-infeudated fee ), that is to say as a unit producing a revenue stream, together with its workers and livestock, for exploitation by a tenant who
30080-411: Was Logothete and Manu chaired the Divan. Băleanu's return was especially controversial: he was now regarded as a leading adversary of the National Party, which sought to obtain a union between Wallachia and Moldavia. As noted in its paper, Stéoa Dunărei , the three rulers were allowed unconstitutional, and unexplained, freedom of action. The Sublime Porte remained unresponsive as "they changed all of
30268-513: Was Udrea Băleanu , who served as Ban of Oltenia in the 1590s. His nephew, Ivașco I Băleanu, emerged as a powerful player in 1630s Wallachia, having backed Matei Basarab for Wallachia's throne; his son, Gheorghe Băleanu , similarly endorsed and fought alongside Constantin Șerban . He was prominent into the 1670s, when he and his family feuded with the Cantacuzinos ; their conflict came to an end in 1679, when Gheorghe's son, Ivașco II ,
30456-647: Was a collateral descendant of Wallachian Prince Constantin Brâncoveanu ; Maria's brother, also named Grigore , was the last male of the Craiovești-Brâncoveanu family . His maternal grandmother was a member of a Moldavian clan, the Sturdzas . Emanoil's siblings included a sister, Zoe (1791–1877). In 1811–1815, she was married to the aristocrat Matei Ghika, but divorced when he fell ill with tuberculosis. One contemporary account suggests that she then became
30644-462: Was a social and political rebellion in Wallachia , which was at the time a tributary state of the Ottoman Empire . It originated as a movement against the Phanariote administration, with backing from the more conservative boyars , but mutated into an attempted removal of the boyar class. Though not directed against Ottoman rule, the revolt espoused an early version of Romanian nationalism , and
30832-516: Was again efor on the national school board. Băleanu returned as Minister of Justice in December 1847, when he ordered a clampdown on frivolous litigators and the clarification of mulcts . By January 1848, he and Filipescu-Vulpache sat on a committee tasked with constructing a National Theater , but the entire project (supported by the Philharmonic Society) was shelved before taking off. Initially, Băleanu and Bibescu were open toward
31020-488: Was also lazy, unintelligent, and corrupt. With this platform and backing, Emanoil Băleanu ran in the September 1857 election and took a seat in the Assembly, which had been reconstructed and enlarged as an " ad hoc Divan ". On October 21, 1858, Băleanu, Manu and Filipescu-Vulpache were formally appointed as Caimacami . The firman confirming this arrangement specified that Băleanu oversaw Internal Affairs, while Vulpache
31208-474: Was also noted by memoirist Ion Ghica . He mentions that Emanoil's Greek education is what drew Prince Soutzos' attention. Upon his wedding to Catinca, Băleanu received ownership of Târgoviște , which the Prince had abusively claimed as his own; when news of this deal reached the sparked city, the rioting citizens placed a jinx on Soutzos' house. Catinca's dowry also included a monopoly on the manufacture of handkerchiefs, which came with additional tax privileges and
31396-487: Was an import from Revolutionary France , along with the Pandurs' concept of the people-in-arms . Sociolinguist Klaus Bochmann identifies the 1821 documents, including those issued "in the entourage of Tudor Vladimirescu" and those of his adversaries, as the first Romanian-language references to "patriotism"—and possibly as the first-ever records of a "political debate being carried out (mainly) in Romanian." He underscores
31584-591: Was assigned office as Ghica's Vornic . Nicolae and his Greek tutor Mavromati spent this interval in France, where the former was supposed to further his studies. Both were seen as dangerous suspects by agents of the Sûreté . The post-Eteria arrangement was ended by the war of 1828 , which again saw both Principalities invaded by the Russian Empire. In 1829–1830, at the height of occupation, Emanoil Băleanu joined
31772-497: Was awaiting for the boyars to follow his orders and unite under his command, but that this demand was in fact unrealistic. While waiting in Țânțăreni, Vladimirescu provided his response to the Boyar Divan , whose leadership had asked not to engage in activity "harmful for the country". Vladimirescu presented himself as a "caretaker" of the state—one elected by the people to review the "awful tyranny" of boyars, but without toppling
31960-468: Was buried at Bolintin-Deal, whose main church he had dedicated himself in 1856. His widow Elena survived him until 1865. Ion Ghica was appointed their executor , in which capacity he demanded a survey on the estates of Corbii and Vânătorii ; in 1866–1867, his land dispute with the local peasants led the latter to riot. This was contrasted by the situation in Bolintin-Deal, where, before and during
32148-647: Was confronted with events such as the peasants' march on Bucharest, in support of the National Party. According to reports picked up by the Pester Lloyd , his troops fired on the crowds. Several protesters were wounded or killed in this standoff; Băleanu called the soldiers off, after being reassured that the march was non-violent. He drafted an appeal to the Bucharesters, "which was given the widest possible distribution by means of comments in inns [and] postings at street-corners", asking them "not to contribute to
32336-620: Was created in Iași , under a General Pendidekas. This was the starting point of an exodus of locals from the country, with some pockets of anti-Eterist resistance. Overall, Moldavian boyars were shocked by Karavias' violence; the native population at large was anti-Greek by virtue of being anti-Phanariote, and only a few thousand Moldavians ever joined the Sacred Band. In Wallachia, the combined Pandur–Arnaut force also began moving on Bucharest, taking Slătioara on March 4. Callimachi's regency also sought to coax Vladimirescu into submission, but he ignored
32524-479: Was enhanced during the Russian occupation of 1828 , and cemented by a new constitutional arrangement, Regulamentul Organic . During this interval, survivors of the uprising split between those who supported this conservative establishment and those who favored liberal causes . The latter also helped preserve a heroic image of Vladimirescu, which was later also borrowed by agrarianists and left-wing activists. From
32712-525: Was grooming him for the princely throne. As reported at the time by Vaillant, Băleanu conceived of the naturalization as a personal revenge against Ghica. Returning as Logothete , he joined "Căciulă-Mare", Slătineanu, Vilara and Ioan Filipescu-Vulpache on the Commission which validated the Assembly elections of January 1841 . In June, he proposed that a monument to Kiselyov be completed using funds from
32900-491: Was his attitude toward Greek nationalism . According to Iorga, Phanariote rule meant a "system of indissoluble elements", centered on Hellenism and Hellenization . Maciu further notes that Phanariote rulers had stunted Romanian nationalism and national awakening by popularizing an Eastern Orthodox identity, common to Romanians and Greeks; this established a pattern of cooperation, pushing nationalists of various ethnicities into contact with each other. Overall, Vârtosu argues,
33088-483: Was in large part owed to his kinship with two families: the Văcărescus and the Soutzos ; his niece was Marițica Văcărescu , who was to become Prince Gheorghe Bibescu 's wife, and, through his marriage with Catinca, he was also the son-in-law of Wallachia's last Phanariote Prince, Alexandros Soutzos . A Wallachian comedy of ca. 1820 shows Ban Grigore trafficking in influence to benefit his in-laws. Phanariote favoritism
33276-466: Was included on the cabinet in order to placate him, "for many years one of the most influential members of the opposition". On December 14, 1855, both brothers, alongside Câmpineanu, Filipescu-Vulpache, Alexandru Plagino and George Barbu Știrbei , signed the decree which emancipated all of Wallachia's 200,000 slaves. Emanoil then oversaw the effort to count and register the newly freed Romanies. In early 1856, he rallied with anti-Știrbeist boyars and signed
33464-410: Was licensed by the contract, or firma , to keep all the revenue he could extract from the holding in exchange for fixed rents. Thus the rights to the revenue stream produced by the land had been farmed by the lessor. Because this was the form of the farming transaction most known to popular society, the word "farmer" became synonymous with a tenant of an agricultural holding. According to other sources,
33652-624: Was looted and rendered inoperable. Escaping the threat of a full-blown civil war, the Băleanus took refuge in the Austrian-held Principality of Transylvania , joining a colony of boyar expatriates in Corona (Brașov) . It was here that Emanoil was inducted into a secretive group of exiles, the "Brașov Society", whose founding members included his father. He was subsequently initiated by the Freemasonry . On May 24, following
33840-477: Was made unassailable by his acceptance into a Janissary corps and his employment of a personal guard. Proud of his Romanian roots, and "in touch with tradition", he reportedly organized street parades that "made Greeks quiver." Soutzos' death in January 1821 sparked a political crisis, making Wallachia into a theater for the Greek War of Independence . In parallel, there was an anti-Phanariote uprising in Oltenia , which Grigore may have personally have encouraged: he
34028-480: Was nevertheless able to prevent an alliance between Fochianos and Ypsilantis, reminding the former, who was effectively his hostage, of his pledge to the Divan. Together, they began policing the city to prevent Eterist looting. In the mahalale , the Pandurs formed a citizens' self-defense force which may have grouped thousands of Romanians and Romanies. Fochianos commanded the allegiances of 800 loyalist Arnauts and 1,000 armed tanners . According to various reports,
34216-435: Was originally a Roman practice whereby the burden of tax collection was reassigned by the Roman State to private individuals or groups. In essence, these individuals or groups paid the taxes for a certain area and for a certain period of time and then attempted to cover their outlay by collecting money or saleable goods from the people within that area. The system was set up by Gaius Gracchus in 123 BC primarily to increase
34404-459: Was sent into exile. By the late 18th century, the family (one of the 16 boyar clans which could claim an ancient Wallachian origin) had secured major feudal privileges, including tax farming on their estates—one of only four families to maintain that favor. Emanoil was Ivașco II's great-great-grandson. He was born in 1793 or 1794 as the son of Ban Grigore III Băleanu (1770–1842) and his wife Maria, née Brâncoveanu (?–1837). On his mother's side, he
34592-536: Was staffed by foreign volunteers, mainly Arnauts and Serbs . The command core had Greek, Serb, Aromanian and Bulgarian officers, whose primary loyalty was to the Eteria. They included Olympios, Pharmakis, Prodan, Serdar Djuvara, and Macedonski. The anonymous chronicle Istoria jăfuitorilor additionally notes that Vladimirescu's core units were staffed with veterans of Karađorđe's armies, including Pharmakis, Mihali, and Tudor Ghencea ; others who had served with Ali Pasha of Ioannina . European journals also recorded
34780-439: Was thus positioned to create the United Principalities —initially as a personal union , with himself as Domnitor . Băleanu left Wallachia during the union process, and in June 1859 had reached the Grand Duchy of Baden . His final will, completed in March 1861, suggests that he no longer held, or considered relevant, any of his father's houses in Băleni ; by 1873, these were in a state of advanced ruin. Băleanu died in 1862, and
34968-432: Was widely abused, and reforms were enacted by Augustus and Diocletian . Medieval English kings frequently made grants "in fee -farm", a form of feudal tenure . An example is the following writ of King William II (1087–1100) granting a hundred court to be held in fee-farm by Thorney Abbey : William, king of the English, to all the sheriffs and barons of Huntingdonshire , greeting. Know that I have granted
35156-540: Was with the lesser Phanariotes, who were now won over by Greek nationalism . In 1820, Alexander Ypsilantis , son of Prince Constantine, united the various branches of the Filiki Eteria , a Greek revolutionary organization, and began preparing a massive anti-Ottoman revolt from the Russian port city of Odessa . This society had already managed to enlist in its ranks some preeminent Wallachian boyars: allegedly, its first recruits included Alecu Filipescu-Vulpea , joined later by Grigore Brâncoveanu . According to one account,
35344-424: Was within a triumvirate that also included Ioan Filipescu-Vulpache and Ioan Manu ; alongside the latter, Băleanu instituted a repressive regime, directing censorship and intimidation against the National Party. They organized the legislative elections of 1859 , but were outmaneuvered by liberals and nationalists, who managed to push through their agenda. Băleanu was brutalized and shunned during events leading up to
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